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Wilberforce (search for this): chapter 29
ruth, no purpose but to tear the question open and let the light through it. So much in explanation of a word infinitely hated,--agitation and agitators,--but an element which the progress of modern government has developed more and more every day. The great invention we trace in its twilight and seed to the days of the Long Parliament. Defoe and L'Estrange, later down, were the first prominent Englishmen to fling pamphlets at the House of Commons. Swift ruled England by pamphlets. Wilberforce summoned the Church, and sought the alliance of influential classes. But O'Connell first showed a profound faith in the human tongue. He descried afar off the coming omnipotence of the press. He called the millions to his side, appreciated the infinite weight of the simple human heart and conscience, and grafted democracy into the British empire. The later Abolitionists — Buxton, Sturge, and Thompson — borrowed his method. Cobden flung it in the face of the almost omnipotent landhold
Wellington (search for this): chapter 29
d, dispirited, brokenhearted, and servile. He made her a nation whose first word broke in pieces the iron obstinacy of Wellington, tossed Peel from the cabinet, and gave the government to the Whigs; whose colossal figure, like the helmet in Walpole'less appeased, pushes Whig and Tory ministers alike from their stools. But Brougham says he was a demagogue. Fie on Wellington, Derby, Peel, Palmerston, Liverpool, Russell, and Brougham, to be fooled and ruled by a demagogue! What must they, theemergency, his ready and inexhaustible wit; but any reference to O'Connell that omitted his eloquence would be painting Wellington in the House of Lords without mention of Torres Vedras or Waterloo. Broadly considered, his eloquence has never been John Bull, law-abiding, could not do without it. Birmingham was three days in the hands of a mob; castles were burned; Wellington ordered the Scotch Greys to rough-grind their swords as at Waterloo. This was the Whig aristocracy of England. O'Con
tention. It was the same with us Abolitionists. Webster had taught the North the bated breath and crouching I think he was right. I remember the solemnity of Webster, the grace of Everett, the rhetoric of Choate; I knpressive in bearing, massive like that of Jupiter. Webster himself hardly outdid him in the majesty of his proportions. To be sure, he had not Webster's craggy face, and precipice of brow, nor his eyes glowing like anthrtle. I remember Russell Lowell telling us that Mr. Webster came home from Washington at the time the Whig pas presence before he spoke; and he added to it what Webster had not, what Clay might have lent,--infinite gracelets up, and paint them blue. We used to say of Webster, This is a great effort; of Everett, It is a beautied, And sobs or laughter answered as it willed. Webster could awe a senate, Everett could charm a college, . O'Connell was Clay, Corwin, Choate, Everett, and Webster in one. Before the courts, logic; at the bar of th
Robert Walpole (search for this): chapter 29
oin you in that tribute, since the cause of constitutional government owes more to O'Connell than to any other political leader of the last two centuries. The English-speaking race, to find his equal among its statesmen, must pass by Chatham and Walpole, and go back to Oliver Cromwell, or the able men who held up the throne of Queen Elizabeth. If to put the civil and social elements of your day into successful action, and plant the seeds of continued strength and progress for coming times,--if this is to be a statesman, then most emphatically was O'Connell one. To exert this control, and secure this progress, while and because ample means lie ready for use under your hand, does not rob Walpole and Colbert, Chatham and Richelieu, of their title to be considered statesmen. To do it, as Martin Luther did, when one must ingeniously discover or invent his tools, and while the mightiest forces that influence human affairs are arrayed against him, that is what ranks O'Connell with the f
ve; sagacious patience and moderation the genius that built it; Parliament and justice the station he reached. Every one who has studied O'Connell's life sees his marked likeness to Luther,--the unity of both their lives; their wit; the same massive strength, even if coarse-grained; the ease with which each reached the masses, the power with which they wielded them; the same unrivalled eloquence, fit for any audience; the same instinct of genius that led them constantly to acts which, as Voltaire said, Foolish men call rash, but wisdom sees to be brave; the same broad success. But O'Connell had one great element which Luther lacked,--the universality of his sympathy; the far-reaching sagacity which discerned truth afar off, just struggling above the horizon; the loyal, brave, and frank spirit which acknowledged and served it; the profound and rare faith which believed that the whole of truth can never do harm to the whole of virtue. From the serene height of intellect and judgment
hour! From that day, said Buxton, Lushington and I never went into the lobby that O'Connell did not follow us. Some years afterwards I went into Conciliation Hall where O'Connell was arguing for repeal. He lifted from the table a thousand-pound note sent them from New Orleans, and said to be from the slave-holders of that city. Coming to the front of the platform, he said : This is a draft of one thousand pounds from the slave-holders of New Orleans, the unpaid wages of the negro. Mr. Treasurer, I suppose the treasury is empty? The treasurer nodded to show him that it was, and he went on. Old Ireland is very poor-; but thank God she is not poor enough to take the unpaid wages of anybody. Send it back. A gentleman from Boston went to him with a letter of introduction, which he sent up to him at his house in Merrion Square. O'Connell came down to the door, as was his wont, put out both his hands, and drew him into his library. I am glad to see you, said he; I am always glad
George Thompson (search for this): chapter 29
hmen to fling pamphlets at the House of Commons. Swift ruled England by pamphlets. Wilberforce summoned the Church, and sought the alliance of influential classes. But O'Connell first showed a profound faith in the human tongue. He descried afar off the coming omnipotence of the press. He called the millions to his side, appreciated the infinite weight of the simple human heart and conscience, and grafted democracy into the British empire. The later Abolitionists — Buxton, Sturge, and Thompson — borrowed his method. Cobden flung it in the face of the almost omnipotent landholders of England, and broke the Tory party forever. They only haunt upper air now in the stolen garments of the Whigs. The English administration recognizes this new partner in the government, and waits to be moved on. Garrison brought the new weapon to our shores. The only wholly useful and thoroughly defensible war Christendom has seen in this century, the greatest civil and social change the English rac
Bull Run, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
rn to pieces. So, as O'Connell was breakfasting, the door opened, and two or three English reporters — Gurney, and among others our well-known friend Russell of Bull Run notoriety-entered the room and said, Mr. O'Connell, we are the reporters of the Times. And, said Russell, we dared not enter that crowd. Should n't think you No, sir, said he; we hardly dared to ask for any. Should n't think you would, answered O'Connell; sit down here. So they shared his breakfast. Then he took Bull Run in his own carriage to the place of meeting, sent for a table and seated him by the platform, and asked him whether he had his pencils well sharpened and had plenty of paper, as he intended to make a long speech. Bull Run answered, Yes. And O'Connell stood up, and addressed the audience in Irish. His marvellous voice, its almost incredible power and sweetness, Bulwer has well described:--Once to my sight that giant form was given, Walled by wide air, and roofed by boundless heaven.
Cincinnati (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
from Massachusetts, a free State. But, said the guest, this is slavery you allude to, Mr. O'Connell. I would like to say a word to you in justification of that institution. Very well, sir,--free speech in this house; say anything you please. But before you begin to defend a man's right to own his brother, allow me to step out and lock up my spoons. That was the man. The ocean of his philanthropy knew no shore. And right in this connection, let me read the following despatch:-- Cincinnati, O., August 6. Wendell Phillips, Boston: The national conference of colored newspaper-men to the O'Connell Celebration, greeting:-- Resolved, That it is befitting a convention of colored men assembled on the centennial anniversary of the birth of the liberator of Ireland and friend of humanity, Daniel O'Connell, to recall with gratitude his eloquent and effective pleas for the freedom of our race; and we earnestly commend his example to our countrymen. J. C. Jackson, Secretary. Pe
Chatham (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
ust pass by Chatham and Walpole, and go back to Oliver Cromwell, or the able men who held up the throne of Queen Elizabeth. If to put the civil and social elements of your day into successful action, and plant the seeds of continued strength and progress for coming times,--if this is to be a statesman, then most emphatically was O'Connell one. To exert this control, and secure this progress, while and because ample means lie ready for use under your hand, does not rob Walpole and Colbert, Chatham and Richelieu, of their title to be considered statesmen. To do it, as Martin Luther did, when one must ingeniously discover or invent his tools, and while the mightiest forces that influence human affairs are arrayed against him, that is what ranks O'Connell with the few masterly statesmen the English-speaking race has ever had. When Napoleon's soldiers bore the negro chief Toussaint L'Ouverture into exile, he said, pointing back to San Domingo, You think you have rooted up the tree of l
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