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everywhere eager to hear. I am covered all over with applications to lecture in all parts of the free States. The many base attempts that have been made to cripple my influence, and to render me odious in the eyes of the people, have only served to awaken sympathy, excite curiosity, and to open a wide door for usefulness. Notice the large and harmonious meeting of the Eastern Pennsylvania A. S. Society at Philadelphia in December, 1841, at which, however, the temporary suspension of the Freeman in favor of the Standard was voted (Lib. 12: 2, 3, 7, 8). Of the numerous meetings and conventions now instituted, that at Nantucket in August was a conspicuous Aug. 10, 11, 12, 1841; Lib. 11.130, 134. example of the glad renewal of anti-slavery fellowship (the sectarian spirit having been exorcised), and was otherwise memorable. No report is left of the social delights of companionship between Bradburn (a sort of Geo. Bradburn. island host), Quincy, Garrison, and Collins; but the s
February 3rd (search for this): chapter 1
anthropist to speak of the evils resulting from destroying the Sabbath or religion, and of the dangerous influence of Owenism. It required no sagacity, adds Collins, to see his design in referring to Owen, Robert Owen. etc. . . Owenism, in Great Britain, is considered Ante, 2.390. double-distilled infidelity. Your views are being considered of the Owen school. Socialism is thrown upon us both (Ms.—1841, Collins to W. L. G.). You are the Great Lion which stands in my way. Likewise, on February 3, Collins writes to Francis Jackson: Garrison is a hated and persecuted man in England. Calumny and reproach are heaped upon him in the greatest possible degree. Ms. And, in a letter to Mr. Garrison himself, Richard D. Webb, Ms. on May 30, reported that Joseph Sturge, the weightiest member of the London Committee, regarded the mere defence of Garrison and Collins by Elizabeth Pease and William Smeal as a species of persecution directed against himself, and as a gratuitous giving up of th
March 24th (search for this): chapter 1
h two visits to Ireland, the publication of a controversial pamphlet, Right and Wrong among the Abolitionists of the United States: or, the Objects, Principles, and Measures of the Original American A. S. Society Unchanged. By John A. Collins, Representative of the A. A. S. S. Glasgow: Geo. Gallie, 1841 (Lib. 11: 77, 138). This was begun, with the aid of Elizabeth Pease, in the latter part of January, and was out by the third week in March (Mss. Feb. 2, 1841, E. Pease to W. L. G., and Mar. 24, to Collins). and the confirmation of the Scotch alliance with the old organization, summer overtook him before he felt free to rejoin his associates in America. He crossed in the same steamer with the Phillipses, arriving July 4, 1841. July 17, 1841, ten days after the Chapmans had returned Lib. 11.119 III. from Hayti. They had embarked for the island on Dec. 28, 1840 (Lib. 11: 3), for the sake of Mr. Henry G. Chapman's health, which was only temporarily benefited. Great was the rej
Edward Everett (search for this): chapter 1
g-rule was promptly applied. Meanwhile, two incidents showed unmistakably the Southern purpose to make pro-slavery and national (or Federal) synonymous terms. One was the reluctance of the Senate, till the North showed its teeth, to confirm Edward Everett's Lib. 11.146, 149, 150, 154. nomination to the court of St. James, on account of his anti-slavery views. In response to the abolition catechism of 1837, Gov. Everett had professed his conviction that slavery was an evil, and should be abGov. Everett had professed his conviction that slavery was an evil, and should be abolished as soon as this could be done peacefully. He asserted the power of Congress over slavery and the slave trade in the District, and opposed the admission of any new slave State. Finally, such progress had he made within two years (ante, 2: 76), he maintained the right of free discussion (Lib. 7: 182). The other (for no game was too small for this inquisition) was the same body's refusal to confirm the postmaster of Philadelphia unless he discharged Joshua Coffin (newly appointed) from hi
Wendell Phillips (search for this): chapter 1
nalized by a formal reception. In the evening there was a collation given by the colored people. Garrison, wrote Wendell Phillips to Elizabeth Pease (Ms. Aug. 26, 1841), was in fine vein-witty and fluent; his wife's eyes worth a queen's dowry. lain his position. Said he: One asked me the other day if I was going to Chardon-St. Chapel [i. e., to the reception to Phillips and Collins]. —Yes.—Why, Mr. May, I heard you were leaving the old party.—Who told you so?—Many people.—Well, said Samueging, than at present. Our fall and winter campaign will be carried on with unwonted energy. The return of our friends Phillips, Chapman, and Collins infuses new life into the general mass. The people are everywhere eager to hear. I am covered al Mr. Garrison and the Board. The solitary issue of this paper being industriously Ms. Feb. 26, 1842, E. Pease to Wendell Phillips. circulated in England by Capt. Charles Stuart, Mr. Garrison was induced to give a very minute account of his ent
Frothingham (search for this): chapter 1
ic’ in the edition of Mr. Garrison's Sonnets and other poems, published in Boston in 1843 (p. 64), showing the liberalizing effect upon himself, unsuspected at the time, of those ‘memorable interviews and conversations, in the hall, in the lobbies, or around the doors,’ of which Emerson tells ( Lectures and Biographical Sketches, ed. 1884, p. 354). On the appearance of Theodore Parker's epochmaking ordination sermon on ‘The Transient and Permanent in Christianity,’ preached May 19, 1841 (Frothingham's Life of Parker, p. 152, Weiss's Life, 1.165), Garrison said gravely to his friend Johnson, ‘Infidelity, Oliver, infidelity!’ So thought most of the Unitarian clergy; and the denomination first gave it official currency, as at once respectable and conservative doctrine, in 1885 (see the volume, Views of religion, a selection from Parker's sermons). In reviewing, in January, 1842, a volume of religious poetry by Mrs. Sophia L. Little, of Pawtucket, Mr. Garrison said: ‘Whatever go
sh abolitionists, as such, undertake to judge me, for this cause, on the anti-slavery platform. I need not say to you, that the charge is both groundless and malicious; that my religious views are of the most elevated, the most spiritual character; that I esteem the holy scriptures above all other books in the universe, and always appeal to the law and the testimony to prove all my peculiar doctrines; that, in regard to my religious sentiments, they are almost identical with those of Barclay, Penn, and Fox; that, respecting the Sabbath, the church, and the ministry, Joseph Sturge and I (if he be a genuine Friend) harmonize in opinion; that I believe in an indwelling Christ, and in his righteousness alone; that I glory in nothing here below, save in Christ and him crucified; that I believe all the works of the devil are to be destroyed, and our Lord is to reign from sea to sea, even to the ends of the earth; and that I profess to have passed from death unto life, and know by happy exper
183. account of the refusal of Northern governors to surrender as felons citizens charged with aiding slaves to escape, to establish quarantine against the ships of Maine and New York. More desperately unconstitutional was the proposal of Governor McDonald of Georgia, that even Lib. 11.183. packages from New York or any like offending State should be subjected to inspection, and suspicious persons therefrom be obliged to give security for good behavior— in the midst of a contented slave popcoerce New York, and the justification of the means, viz., a regulation of commerce concurrently with that exercised by Congress under the Constitution. For a typical instance of the operation of the Virginia law, see Lib. 12: 118. Referring to McDonald's bluster, Lib. 12.32, 33. Mr. Garrison said that the South had long threatened a dissolution of the Union; and she may yet be taken at her word, in an hour when she is least prepared for such an event. The alternative is ultimately to be pres
rs. Sophia L. Little, of Pawtucket, Mr. Garrison said: ‘Whatever goes to exalt the character of the Saviour is at all times valuable; but never more than when, as at the present time, attempts are made to decry his mission, to associate him with Socrates and Plato, and to reject him as the great mediator between God and man’ (Lib. 12: 7). The reference is to a letter of Christopher A. Greene's in the Plain Speaker (1: 22): ‘And we felt . . . that we were the brothers and equals of Socrates and PSocrates and Plato and Jesus and John—of every man who had written or spoken or walked or worked in the name of God.’ folly give the lie To what thou teachest; though the critic doubt This fact, that miracle, and raise a shout Of triumph o'er each incongruity He in thy pages may perchance espy, . . . Thy oracles are holy and divine. . . . We may perhaps detect in this sonnet a squint at a movement made, during a pause in the last session at Chardon Street, to hold a convention to consider the authority
the soil, deeming it a crime against God to get a living in any other way! This seems not less strange than his condemnation of associations. Plain Speaker, 1.23. Chace had, however, a partner in Ms. Aug. 15, 1841, G. W. Benson to W. L. G. husbandry, Christopher A. Greene, with whom he lived in a sort of community; and notable in this very year were the attempts—in advance of the great wave of Fourierism—to reconcile individualism with association and organization. As Emerson notified Carlyle in the Oct. 30, 1840. previous autumn, We are all a little wild here with numberless projects of social reform. Not a reading man but has a draft of a new community in his waistcoat pocket. And on December 31, 1840, Quincy wrote to Collins: Ms. Ripley is as full of his scheme of a community as ever. Rev. Geo. Ripley. He has made some progress towards establishing one at West Roxbury, where he lived last summer. The main trouble is the root of all evil, as he finds plenty of penniless
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