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Bristol (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 12
s prejudices of the people against him. This is shameful, especially in one who makes such profession of devotedness to the anti-slavery cause as does that individual. Probably the Rev. John Scoble, who had been busy for more than a twelvemonth in defaming Mr. Garrison; but perhaps the Rev. Dr. John Campbell, who had, since the beginning of the year 1852, continued the work in his British Banner, carefully excluding vindications of his victim. Never, perhaps, wrote John Bishop Estlin of Bristol, to S. May, Jr., in the spring of 1852, was W. L. G.'s name, more than now, odious in the eyes of most of the professing abolitionists of England. . . . A large number of people only know of him as a violent, immoral, infidel leader of a fanatical Abolition party (quoted in Ms. June 7, 1852, S. May, Jr., to W. L. G.). See the vindicatory pamphlet, Statements respecting the American Abolitionists, by their Opponents and their Friends, published by the Bristol and Clifton Ladies' A. S. Societ
Kossuth (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
on and the satisfaction of poetic justice. Kossuth's coming had been long prepared. A people bothe Hungarian uprising, and had fully adopted Kossuth as its hero. None thought of applying to himpated that these words would exactly express Kossuth's relation to slavery and the abolitionists a on his table—excellent aids (we will add) to Kossuth's theological development, but not calculatednds on this slavery-cursed shore. here lies Kossuth—the American slaveholder —must be his epitapal of which would have congealed the blood of Kossuth if he had been a true man (W. L. Garrison in I wrote to Mr. E. Quincy the other day about Kossuth, and asked him to show you what I said. He mt. Lib. 22.3. Worse was to come. One of Kossuth's close revolutionary colleagues and supporte Herald and Express, and was declared to have Kossuth's endorsement, in view of his certificate to unnecessary. It traced soberly and severely Kossuth's fall; offset his sickening encomium of Amer[6 more...
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 12
2. The Hungarian refugee comes to the United States seeking national aid for his country. Fules when another foreigner embarked for the United States from the sister isle of Great Britain—dest of his apostleship of human rights in the United States. Kossuth, meanwhile, had surrendered tois grateful acceptance, lavishing upon the United States the most fulsome flattery. May your greatto maintain on the slavery question in the United States. He means to be deaf, dumb, and blind, inand Black: Sketches of American Society in the U. S., 1.154-157; Lib. 23.40). This was what non-int to plead before the great republic of the United States, is not Hungarian, but universal. A peopls sailing with both wind and tide. In the United States, your admiration is boundless for the Unio all, I claim to see them protected by the United States, not only because they have the power to d have no right, not being a citizen of the United States. To Kossuth the last word, the measure[4 more...]
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
ntically his own! The Southern grand tour was curtailed in order to reach Pulszky's White, Red, and Black, 2.108. Massachusetts before the adjournment of the Legislature. On April 29, Kossuth made his first speech in Faneuil Hall; and here at lrnburner element in New York returned to its Lib. 19.154, 178. natural alliance with the Hunker Democrats, while in Massachusetts the Free Soilers entered into coalition with Lib. 19.178. the Democrats for a division of offices. In 1850 came the vote. As Webster, at the Whig Convention, received only a contemptible minority of votes (the largest third from Massachusetts, and not one from any Southern Whig, in spite of his 7th of March abasement—not one, though besought with tears if onand shockingly unscriptural, to place a woman on one of its committees! Where is the orthodox General Association of Massachusetts, which was once so prompt Ante, 2.133. to issue its bull against the Grimkes, for publicly pleading the cause of all
Mexico (Mexico) (search for this): chapter 12
early shown that the Union and Slavery are perfectly compatible together; or—to satisfy the troubled conscience of the North—it must be just as plainly shown that the Union is antagonistical to Slavery. The former has been demonstrated ever since the Union was formed, by the multiplication of five hundred thousand slaves into three millions three hundred thousand—the addition of nine new slave States to the original six—the purchase and conquest of Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and other Mexican territory, for slaveholding purposes—and by the glaring fact that, for the last sixty years (in the language of John Quincy ADAMS From a powerful passage on the pro-slavery compromises of the Constitution, kept standing at the head of the Liberator.), the preservation, Propagation, and perpetuation of slavery has been the vital and animating principle of the National Government. The latter, therefore, admits of no proof whatever; and hence the ground on which we stand cannot be shaken. T
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
e Hungarian refugee had hardly turned his back upon the national capital when the House, by a narrow vote, just failed of resolving that South Carolina (like Jan. 19. 1852; Lib. 22.14. the seaboard slave States generally) was justified in imprisoning the black sailors of a British ship driven into Lib. 22.25, 71, 99, 201. port by stress of weather—treatment worse than that which the Japanese expedition was ostensibly ordered to Griffis's M. C. Perry, pp. 276-279. redress. He passed into Maryland and Pennsylvania, and was received by the Legislatures and Governors Lib. 22.11, 15. while a bill was pending in each State to prevent the Lib. 22.14, 33. entrance of free negroes. Traversing Ohio, which disfranchised its black citizens, he essayed his pro-slavery tact first in Kentucky at Covington. The spirit of the South is warm, Feb. 24; Lib. 22.45. he exclaimed; and wherever warmth is, there is life! . . . It is now for the first time that I breathe the air of a Southern State. B
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 12
olition and amalgamation, show that their object is to unite in marriage the laboring white man and the laboring black man, and to reduce the white laboring man to the despised and degraded condition of the black man (Colton's Private correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 476). Like the priest in the parable, and like the Priest of all times, he walked by on the other side. He had hardly touched his native shores when another foreigner embarked for the United States from the sister isle of Great Britain—destined to excite an even greater enthusiasm in America than Father Mathew had done; to be tried by the same touchstone; to follow his evil example; and equally to serve, not the ends of his mission, but a higher end in the pointing of a great moral lesson and the satisfaction of poetic justice. Kossuth's coming had been long prepared. A people born of revolution had watched with eager sympathy the course of the Hungarian uprising, and had fully adopted Kossuth as its hero. None th
Japan (Japan) (search for this): chapter 12
neighboring State as the glorious struggle you had not long ago with Mexico, in which General Scott drove the President of the Republic from his capital. Lib. 22.2. Introduced in Washington, by Webster, to Fillmore—fathers of the law sanctioning the grossest intervention of the South against the liberties of the North —he is told by the President that his mission is hopeless, Lib. 22.6. that intervention is opposed to the national policy, though at that very moment the expedition to open Japan by force to American commerce is being prepared by the Administration. See also President Fillmore's menace to the Emperor of Hayti, Soulouque, in case he should not acknowledge the independence of Dominica, and cease from hostilities against her Government (Lib. 23: 6). He visits Henry Clay, who likewise Lib. 22.11, 13, 25. dashes his hopes, and consoles him with the death-bed assurance of having been all his life devoted to freedom—in the Pickwickian (or shall we say Hungarian? ) sense<
Mexico, Mo. (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
y the lovers of it—though not by this Quaker defendant. Ante, p. 325. But Kossuth's utterances, proceeding from a narrow and selfish patriotism, were equally Pickwickian, and he was now moving naturally in a world of burlesque and opera bouffe, with only occasional glimpses of sober reality. He came to America asking intervention on behalf of—nonintervention; and he referred to the pro-slavery invasion and spoliation of a neighboring State as the glorious struggle you had not long ago with Mexico, in which General Scott drove the President of the Republic from his capital. Lib. 22.2. Introduced in Washington, by Webster, to Fillmore—fathers of the law sanctioning the grossest intervention of the South against the liberties of the North —he is told by the President that his mission is hopeless, Lib. 22.6. that intervention is opposed to the national policy, though at that very moment the expedition to open Japan by force to American commerce is being prepared by the Administration
Austria (Austria) (search for this): chapter 12
lavery doughface, Lewis Cass, Lib. 20.6, 7. who offered in the Senate a resolution suspending diplomatic relations with Austria by way of pressure on Hungary's behalf—an interference with the domestic concerns of a foreign country which Thompson diTurkey and Lib. 19.159. been interned, and had implored Palmerston's Lib. 19.174. intervention—for his country against Austrian subjugation; for himself against the dreaded extradition to Russia. On March 3, 1851, President Fillmore, with the sametier. Who shall receive him? Who, unblushing, speak Lib. 21.204. Welcome to him who, while he strove to break The Austrian yoke from Magyar necks, smote off Godkin's History of Hungary, p. 319; Pulszky's White, Red and Black, 2.58. At the sa! But he enforces it upon us as a religious duty, to interpose nationally for the liberation of Hungary, by threatening Austria and Russia that, if they do not stand aloof and let the Hungarians do as they please in the management of their own affa
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