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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
York Anti-Slavery Society, in Feb. 5-7, 1845; Lib. 15.33. February; by a vast majority of the Eastern Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society at Kennett, in August. In Ohio, the Aug. 11-13; Lib. 15.135, 142. Anti-Slavery Bugle was founded as the disunion organ of the Ohio American Anti-Slavery Society. Lib. 15.109. The levers of disunion ready to the hands of the Massachusetts abolitionists were the recent expulsions of the Ante, pp. 130, 131. State's delegates from South Carolina and Louisiana, and the impending annexation of Texas. At the annual meeting just referred to, Wendell Phillips reported Lib. 15.19. resolves that the Governor should demand of the Federal Executive an enforcement of the Constitution, and the maintenance of Mr. Hoar's right to reside in Charleston; in default of which the Legislature should authorize the Governor to proclaim the Union at an end, recall the Congressional delegation, and provide for the State's foreign relations. This was the logic of t
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 5
ll our hearts, to be defended by all our hands Lib. 15.118.—an abasement which accepted war with Mexico, along with that spread of slave territory which he had hitherto strenuously opposed. In the sa of course, if we continue with the South, standing with her and by her, in her aggressions upon Mexico; if we see her taking foreign territory to herself, and yet aid her in retaining it; we are as b, 54. withdrew; the new President, Polk, made his disposition of forces by land and sea to deter Mexico from asserting in Lib. 15.197. arms her claims to the territory of Texas, and at the same time ansion in case of separation from the North, by training the hot youth of the South to arms when Mexico was invaded and reduced—yet training not only Jefferson Davis, Lee, Stonewall Jackson, the two Jional sore. Thomas Corwin correctly predicted that, in the event of a cession of territory by Mexico to the United States, the question of the further extension of slavery must arise in a form whic
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
, toasting, in famous words, Our country . . . however bounded; . . . to be cherished in all our hearts, to be defended by all our hands Lib. 15.118.—an abasement which accepted war with Mexico, along with that spread of slave territory which he had hitherto strenuously opposed. In the same hall of heroic memories the Whig State Convention in October withdrew from the opposition, and left Lib. 15.162. the Constitutional question to the Supreme Court of the United States! Governor Slade of Vermont could no longer urge his State to take, unsupported, an unrelenting attitude, and sought comfort in the illusion that Lib. 15.170. the entrance of Texas into the Union would make slavery a national institution as never before, and expose it to attack as such. Webster, accusing the Liberty Party Lib. 15.182. (by its defeat of Clay) of having procured annexation, hoped, or professed to hope, the consummation might yet be averted; as Charles Francis Adams, seeing Lib. 15.185; cf. 206. noth
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
dent shall announce that Texas is annexed to this Union, immediately to assemble and choose delegates for a second session of this Convention, which shall take measures for the formation of a new Union with such States as do not tolerate domestic slavery—the Union of 1789 having then ceased to exist. Lib. 15.18. The mover sustained this resolution with unpremeditated remarks which the daily press pronounced Lib. 15.23. treasonable. He recalled a similar convention on the admission of Missouri, whose protest was embodied by Webster in an address. That movement ended in words, words. Did they mean, asked Mr. Garrison, to act that farce over again? Charles Francis Adams objected to jeoparding united action by any such radical proposition, and both the Lovejoy and Garrison resolutions were laid on the Lib. 15.18. table. Months passed, during which inaction on the part of the North paved the way to the catastrophe, and sapped the Lib. 15.82. courage of the resistants—the poli
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
State's foreign relations. This was the logic of the situation. So far as Massachusetts (or any free State) was concerned, South Carolina had dissolved the Union: annexation of Texas. Governor and Legislature pledged Lib. 15.6, 26, 31. Massachusetts anew to the position that annexation would have no binding force on her. Bulaw that the moment a man held as a slave in Texas stepped upon the soil of Massachusetts, his liberty should be as sacred as his life, Wilson's Rise and Fall of Slapro quo, even supposing the whole North to have taken this stand along with Massachusetts. The truth was, slavery was dragging the country down an inclined plane, a what ought to be, and what we have faith to believe will be, the course of Massachusetts, should the infamous plan be consummated. Deeming the act utterly unconsti Lib. 15.194. zeal outran their discretion as practical men. Meantime in Massachusetts a mass meeting for Lib. 15.146; Sept. 22, 1845. Middlesex County had been
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 5
roic memories the Whig State Convention in October withdrew from the opposition, and left Lib. 15.162. the Constitutional question to the Supreme Court of the United States! Governor Slade of Vermont could no longer urge his State to take, unsupported, an unrelenting attitude, and sought comfort in the illusion that Lib. 15.170. ependence of this infant nation [Texas] has already been recognized by our Government. The next movement of the friends of Texas will be its annexation to the United States. . . . Should their object be attained, where will be the patronage and Executive power of the Government? Will it not be gone, forever departed, from the fres and compromises—perpetual irritation of the national sore. Thomas Corwin correctly predicted that, in the event of a cession of territory by Mexico to the United States, the question of the further extension of slavery must arise in a form which would necessarily array the North and the South against each other, and ultimately
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ands of the Massachusetts abolitionists were the recent expulsions of the Ante, pp. 130, 131. State's delegates from South Carolina and Louisiana, and the impending annexation of Texas. At the annual meeting just referred to, Wendell Phillips repor foreign relations. This was the logic of the situation. So far as Massachusetts (or any free State) was concerned, South Carolina had dissolved the Union: Federal rights were disregarded in her borders, the Federal laws were subordinate or inoperaptionable joint resolves prepared by Lib. 15.25, 39. Charles Francis Adams, suggesting retaliation with reference to South Carolina; but no enactment followed, nor, notoriously, could any such have been sustained in the Federal courts. The same panding of Lib. 15.54. any colored seaman—the toleration of which by Congress was a virtual approval of the action of South Carolina towards Mr. Hoar. Yet still Mr. Seward contended— We must resist unceasingly the admission of slave States, and dema
Butler, Mo. (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
r before (Ms.). I cannot accept even an implied compliment at the expense of one whose past services and present value to the cause of human freedom I feel to be unequalled. Elsewhere, the Liberator's cry, No Union with Slaveholders! (now printed weekly at the head of the paper) was caught up and re-echoed in the abolition ranks—by the Western New York Anti-Slavery Society, in Feb. 5-7, 1845; Lib. 15.33. February; by a vast majority of the Eastern Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society at Kennett, in August. In Ohio, the Aug. 11-13; Lib. 15.135, 142. Anti-Slavery Bugle was founded as the disunion organ of the Ohio American Anti-Slavery Society. Lib. 15.109. The levers of disunion ready to the hands of the Massachusetts abolitionists were the recent expulsions of the Ante, pp. 130, 131. State's delegates from South Carolina and Louisiana, and the impending annexation of Texas. At the annual meeting just referred to, Wendell Phillips reported Lib. 15.19. resolves that the Go
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
rom Mrs. Loring, renewing one of the year before (Ms.). I cannot accept even an implied compliment at the expense of one whose past services and present value to the cause of human freedom I feel to be unequalled. Elsewhere, the Liberator's cry, No Union with Slaveholders! (now printed weekly at the head of the paper) was caught up and re-echoed in the abolition ranks—by the Western New York Anti-Slavery Society, in Feb. 5-7, 1845; Lib. 15.33. February; by a vast majority of the Eastern Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society at Kennett, in August. In Ohio, the Aug. 11-13; Lib. 15.135, 142. Anti-Slavery Bugle was founded as the disunion organ of the Ohio American Anti-Slavery Society. Lib. 15.109. The levers of disunion ready to the hands of the Massachusetts abolitionists were the recent expulsions of the Ante, pp. 130, 131. State's delegates from South Carolina and Louisiana, and the impending annexation of Texas. At the annual meeting just referred to, Wendell Phillips rep
Iowa (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
15.82. courage of the resistants—the political and practical resistants. William H. Seward, in a public letter to Salmon P. Chase, submitted in advance to the inevitable Lib. 15.113. annex ation of Texas, repudiating disunion. His counter measure was to enlarge the area of freedom—as if the South did not provide for that by coupling the admission of a slave State with that of a free State. Already, in February, Florida had been thus admitted into the Union, paired with Lib. 15.34, 39. Iowa, in spite of the intense Northern feeling against more slave States aroused in the case of Texas; in spite, too, of the Florida Constitution making slavery perpetual, Lib. 15.39. and authorizing the Legislature to forbid the landing of Lib. 15.54. any colored seaman—the toleration of which by Congress was a virtual approval of the action of South Carolina towards Mr. Hoar. Yet still Mr. Seward contended— We must resist unceasingly the admission of slave States, and demand the abolition of
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