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respect to his memory. Brooks was buried in the cemetery adjoining the Baptist Church at Edgefield village. In the centre of the family lot, which contains the gravestones of his parents and other kindred, rises an obelisk, the most conspicuous monument in the cemetery, which gives on three sides the dates of his career, carved insignia of the Palmetto regiment to which he belonged, and the assurance that he would be long remembered as one in whom all the virtues loved to dwell. On the fourth side is this tribute, of which the last sentence was from Keitt's eulogy in Congress: Ever able, manly, just, and heroic, illustrating true patriotism by devotion to his country, the whole South unites with his bereaved family in deploring his ultimately end. Earth has never pillowed upon her bosom a truer son, nor Heaven opened wide her gates to receive a manlier spirit. This spot was visited March 26, 1890. by the writer,—perhaps the only, or at least the first, Northern man who has ev
a reply. As well in the House as in the Senate the partisans of slavery often assailed Massachusetts and her people, particularly the Emigrant Aid Company, as responsible for all the disorders in Kansas, as disturbers of the national peace, and instigators of rebellion. Bayard, April 10, and Clay, April 21, in the Senate. In the Senate Collamer spoke (April 3 and 4) on affairs in Kansas and the constitutional question of the power of Congress over the Territories. Seward spoke on the 9th, when he delivered an elaborate speech already in manuscript. He avoided, as was his habit, all antagonism with senators, or a direct reply to their positions,—not so much as once referring to what any senator had said. A formal arraignment of the President as the chief promoter of the disturbances gave to the speech its chief interest. Seward's habit of dealing in vague generalizations and soaring speculations was the subject of criticism at other times. J. S. Pike's First Blows of the
the day closed, although the marshal had executed his process of arrest without resistance, they had entered the town with muskets and fixed bayonets, broken up printing presses and thrown them into the river, and opened fire on the hotel belonging to the Emigrant Aid Company; but being built of stone, and resisting effectually cannon shot, as well as the attempt to explode it, they set it on fire, and then pillaged the stores and homes of the inhabitants. They withdrew and dispersed on the 22d,—a day remarkable in Sumner's life. This was the incipient stage of civil war, to be succeeded by scenes of bloodshed in the Territory, and five years later by the great Rebellion. What was then passing in Washington also foreshadowed the future. Wilson says, in his History Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 496.:— As Charles Sumner was closing his masterly portrayal of the crime against Kansas on the floor of the United States Senate, during the afternoon of the 20
ancis P. Blair, Sr., Silver Springs, Md., near Washington. Here he suffered a relapse; the unhealed wound continued obstinate, and singular sensations in the bead gave him forebodings of paralysis and insanity. He wrote, June 23, to Dr. Howe: For nearly four weeks I lay twenty-two hours out of the twenty-four on my back; and I am still very feeble, but able to totter a mile round the garden, and hoping daily for strength, which comes slowly. He came in from Silver Springs on Wednesday, the 25th, in answer to a summons to appear before the grand jury. He remained three days, during which numerous calls upon him, the writing of several letters of introduction for his friend R. H. Dana, Jr., who was about to visit England, and the writing and dictation of other letters, were followed by exhaustion; and after the three days he returned to Mr. Blair's. Seward, who in company with Foster called on him at Mr. Blair's, July 4, wrote— He is much changed for the worse. His elastic
p. 9, 25, 45. Dr. Julius wrote from Hamburg that not only himself, but his whole country, had been shocked by the assault. There was a general desire to give Sumner a popular indorsement, and with that view it was proposed to have him nominated as the Republican candidate for governor of Massachusetts. This election was assured by a large majority; and he might, after performing the duties from January to March, 1857, have accepted the new election as senator, which was to take place in January. Wilson cordially entered into this plan; Outside of Massachusetts it found favor. Governor Chase by letter, August 22, advised Sumner to accept the nomination. but it found no favor with Sumner, who was always averse to any such irregular modes of obtaining popular approval. The healing of the flesh wounds left Sumner a sufferer from pressure on the brain, with weakness in the spine, and great nervous sensibility. Dr. Wister thus described his condition when he arrived in Philadel
January 1st (search for this): chapter 12
longing to participate would have a salutary effect. Late in the year he formed the purpose to pass the vacation of Congress in Europe. Finding himself unable to go to Washington at the beginning of December, he postponed taking his seat till January 1, and was at the later date still unable to go on. Whittier wrote, Nov. 12, 1856:— I would say a word to thee as an old friend. Do not leave home for Washington until thy health is more fully established. Massachusetts, God bless her!point us. Be sure that your physical vigor is well restored before plunging again into this whirlpool of abominations. Governor Chase wrote from Columbus, December 13:— I see it stated that you purpose going to Washington about the first of January. Let me beg you to risk nothing, but to lay aside every care except that of your own restoration. You will, of course, be re-elected. Why not let the present session go, and take a trip somewhere out of sight and as far as possible out o
January 9th (search for this): chapter 12
e pleasant impressions which I had. Commodore Morris got between me and the judge; Governor Brown of Mississippi, who believes slavery divine, on my left. In the course of our conversation Curtis said that he had not voted since he had been a judge, and he professed entire ignorance of politics and parties. I thought also that he showed it. My conversation with him was so agreeable that I shall call upon him, which I have not done thus far since I have been here in Washington. Again, January 9:— Unjust judges may at least be frightened if not condemned. If I were not a senator, I would organize petitions to the House for the impeachment of all who have trespassed against liberty, from wisconsin to Massachusetts. Think of this. The presentation of the petitions would remind these judges that a power was growing in the country which would yet summon them to justice. What are the chances of the personal liberty law? I had hoped to challenge a discussion of that here in
January 10th (search for this): chapter 12
Works, vol. IV. pp. 392, 393; Chicago Tribune, January 15 (leader written by E. L. Pierce). Longfellow wrote in his diary: There is no mistaking the meaning of such a vote. The Boston Daily Courier, then edited by George Lunt, was an exception among Northern journals, making constant thrusts at Sumner. He accepted the office in a letter, which was entered on the journal of the House. Works, vol. IV. pp. 394-397. Many congratulations came to him on his re-election. Seward wrote, January 10: The telegraph announces your majestic success, and it makes us proud of Massachusetts and hopeful for the cause . . . . Come here when your good physicians permit; only rest at ease until they shall consent. Sumner's reply is printed in Seward's Life, vol. II. p. 296, in which he said truly, What has been done has been the utterance of the State, without a hint from me. R. H. Dana, Jr., wrote, January 15: No one can say now that you have not a constituency behind you. Where is there a
January 15th (search for this): chapter 12
nimous and prompt, the first after a long contest and a close final vote, when his chief support was a band of Free Soilers, and when he entered the Senate with only two to co-operate with him. Works, vol. IV. pp. 392, 393; Chicago Tribune, January 15 (leader written by E. L. Pierce). Longfellow wrote in his diary: There is no mistaking the meaning of such a vote. The Boston Daily Courier, then edited by George Lunt, was an exception among Northern journals, making constant thrusts at Sumnepermit; only rest at ease until they shall consent. Sumner's reply is printed in Seward's Life, vol. II. p. 296, in which he said truly, What has been done has been the utterance of the State, without a hint from me. R. H. Dana, Jr., wrote, January 15: No one can say now that you have not a constituency behind you. Where is there a senator who holds by such a tenure? The day has come we have all hoped and labored for,—the day of something like unanimity in New England. Wilson wrote, Januar
January 18th (search for this): chapter 12
f the candidates. Less bitterness was exhibited than might have been expected under the circumstances, There were some exceptions to this statement. McMullen, December 21. called Giddings that contemptible member of the House. Edmundson, January 18, advanced towards Giddings, shouting, Say that again! But the old man was unmoved and defiant. The report of the Congressional Globe, as usual in such cases, omits a part of the scene. New York Evening Post, July 15, 1856. and at the end of logy would, on being asked for, be given. (Congressional Globe, App. p. 1054.) Edmundson's complicity with the assault is critically reviewed in the New York Tribune, June 6. He received on this occasion better treatment than he deserved. On January 18 he had in the House approached Giddings with threatening gestures and words. (Ante, p. 427 note.) Nearly four years afterwards (Feb. 10, 1860), in the Capitol grounds, near the spot where Brooks had conferred with him, he struck with a cane at
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