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February 10th (search for this): chapter 5
of his ancestors, intense egoism being the characteristic of his appearance, and selfishness that of his action; Palfrey was a Judas; Sumner, a transcendental lawyer. Adams, Sumner, and Palfrey were styled The Mutual Admiration Society, or Charles Sumner & Co., with their headquarters on Court Street; and they were held up to public odium as ambitious s and unscrupulous, and abounding in inordinate self-esteem, pride of opinion, and cormorant appetite for office. See Atlas in 1848 for February 10; June 19, 22; July 3, 8, 11; August 14, 15, 17, 19, 31; September 5. 7, 13; October 31; November 2, 11, 13, 20, 21; December 14. The same paper, Sept. 6. 1849. applied to Mr. Chase, afterwards chief-justice, the epithet of Joseph Surface. In the issues of October 12, 13, 16, and November 2. Sumner was accused of attempting to mislead the people in holding the Whigs responsible for not resisting the admission of Texas as a slave State. To this charge he replied in a letter,—Atlas, Oct
February 25th (search for this): chapter 5
nominated, could not be elected, and that Taylor was the only candidate whom the Whigs could elect. He stated that Mr. Lawrence's preference for Taylor dated as far back as his own, and had been expressed for months; and that he had signified to the New York Taylor committee that he would accept a place on the ticket with General Taylor. Mr. Lawrence, Feb. 17, 1848, wrote a letter to a Taylor meeting in Philadelphia connecting the names of Washington and Taylor (printed in the Atlas, February 25), saying that Taylor, if nominated by the Whigs, would be elected. Henry Wilson, in a letter to the New York Tribune, April 1, 1848, stated that a few manufacturers of considerable influence were almost the only supporters of Taylor, and were associating with his candidacy the name of Mr. Lawrence, though not coming forward in conventions. But without imputing duplicity to either of these gentlemen, there is no doubt that the Whig leaders, at least some of them, did not have the courage
w. Paige's house in Summer Street, Boston, that he would support heartily as the Whig candidate any conspicuous leader of the party, trained and experienced in civil affairs, and of national reputation as a statesman; but that he would riot advise the nomination, or recommend the election, of a swearing, fighting, frontier colonel The antislavery Whigs of Massachusetts, anticipating the result of the Whig convention, conferred in advance as to the manner in which they should meet it. On May 27 there was a conference in Boston at the office of C. F. Adams, where were present Adams, S. C. Phillips, Sumner, Wilson, E. R. Hoar, E. L. Keyes, F. W. Bird, and Edward Walcutt. They decided in case General Taylor, or any candidate not distinctly committed against the extension of slavery, should be nominated at Philadelphia to enter at once upon an organized opposition to his election, and to call a State convention for the purpose. At a later meeting, June 5, they approved a form of call
orter of the Republican party, to which the charge could be equally well applied. The Whig orators joined in this outcry. Choate assailed the Free Soilers as a party founded upon geographical lines. At Salem, Sept. 28, 1848. Others associated them with nullifiers, and held them up as deserving the penalties of treason. Adams, November 9, at Faneuil Hall, made a spirited retort to Winthrop's suggestion. Boston Republican, November 13. The passage of Sumner's speech at Worcester in June, in which he mentioned the secret influence that went forth from New England, especially from Massachusetts, and contributed powerfully to Taylor's nomination, and in which he referred to the unhallowed union-conspiracy, let it be called—between remote sections; between the politicians of the Southwest and the politicians of the Northeast; between the cotton-planters and flesh-mongers of Louisiana and Mississippi, and the cotton-spinners and traffickers of New England; between the lords of th
o Charles Allen, Jan. 3, 1849:— I cannot forbear expressing to you my joy in the recent election in the Worcester district. Your triumph is a complete vindication of your own personal position, while it insures to our cause an influence over our State and in Congress which it would be difficult to estimate. I wish much that Mr. Palfrey had been returned. He is sure to succeed another time. Palfrey failed to secure a majority, and his Whig opponent was chosen. To William Jay, June 4:— Let me not delay my thanks to you any longer for your last most powerful effort in the cause of peace. I have read your Review of the Mexican War with the interest and gratitude inspired by all your productions. By a careful analysis of documents and of unquestionable facts you have shown the aggressive character of the mexican War, and still further the foul slaveholding motives in which it had its origin. I think that the just historian hereafter will be compelled to adopt your
which they should meet it. On May 27 there was a conference in Boston at the office of C. F. Adams, where were present Adams, S. C. Phillips, Sumner, Wilson, E. R. Hoar, E. L. Keyes, F. W. Bird, and Edward Walcutt. They decided in case General Taylor, or any candidate not distinctly committed against the extension of slavery, should be nominated at Philadelphia to enter at once upon an organized opposition to his election, and to call a State convention for the purpose. At a later meeting, June 5, they approved a form of call prepared by E. R. Hoar, and agreed to issue it in the event of General Taylor's nomination. Wilson and Allen were joined at Philadelphia by thirteen The last survivors of the fifteen were Stanley Matthews and John C. Vaughan, both of Ohio. The former died in 1889, and the latter died in Cincinnati in 1892. other delegates, who approved their public protest against General Taylor's nomination, and it was decided to call a national convention to be held at Bu
hen in the narrow pass they did not fear to brave the innumerable Persian hosts, whose very arrows darkened the sun? Overborne by numbers, crushed to earth, they left an example greater far than any victory. And this is the least we can do. Our example will be the mainspring of triumph hereafter. It will not be the first time in history that the hosts of Slavery have outnumbered the champions of Freedom. But where is it written that Slavery finally prevailed? Sumner wrote to Palfrey, June 8:— The news has come by telegraph; we have no details. Meanwhile the enclosed call For a State convention of all opposed to both Cass and Taylor. has been printed; it was written by Rockwood Hoar. The Webster men have promised to bolt with us; it remains to be seen if they will. They say that Webster will. Our call has not yet received any signatures; indeed, it has not left my office. We await the movement of the others; we offer to lead or follow. I wish you were here. It is
June 13th (search for this): chapter 5
omised to bolt with us; it remains to be seen if they will. They say that Webster will. Our call has not yet received any signatures; indeed, it has not left my office. We await the movement of the others; we offer to lead or follow. I wish you were here. It is said that Mr. Lawrence will be ousted from the Vice-Presidential chances; this pleases many here. The Webster and Lawrence factions are very angry with each other,—almost as much as both once were with us. To George Sumner, June 13:— Taylor is nominated at last. A week or fortnight will disclose whether a new combination will not be effected among the free States. The effect of a regular nomination is potential. It is difficult to oppose it; but it will be opposed in Ohio, and there are symptoms now of rebellion in New York. In Massachusetts we have called a convention for June 28 to organize opposition. Meanwhile the Barnburners are shaking New York to its centre. We hope to establish an alliance among t
June 19th (search for this): chapter 5
The two protesting delegates from Massachusetts upon their return home addressed their constituents,—Wilson by letter, and Allen in person,—both reviewing the proceedings at Philadelphia, and summoning the people to reject them. Boston Whig, June 19 and 24. 1848. Wilson gave an account of this period, including 1845-1851, in a speech in the Massachusetts Senate, Feb. 24, 1852 (Boston Commonwealth, March 1, 1852), and in a letter to L. V. Bell (Commonwealth, July 14, 1852). The meeting. wh, with their headquarters on Court Street; and they were held up to public odium as ambitious s and unscrupulous, and abounding in inordinate self-esteem, pride of opinion, and cormorant appetite for office. See Atlas in 1848 for February 10; June 19, 22; July 3, 8, 11; August 14, 15, 17, 19, 31; September 5. 7, 13; October 31; November 2, 11, 13, 20, 21; December 14. The same paper, Sept. 6. 1849. applied to Mr. Chase, afterwards chief-justice, the epithet of Joseph Surface. In the issue
June 24th (search for this): chapter 5
. The former died in 1889, and the latter died in Cincinnati in 1892. other delegates, who approved their public protest against General Taylor's nomination, and it was decided to call a national convention to be held at Buffalo in August. The two protesting delegates from Massachusetts upon their return home addressed their constituents,—Wilson by letter, and Allen in person,—both reviewing the proceedings at Philadelphia, and summoning the people to reject them. Boston Whig, June 19 and 24. 1848. Wilson gave an account of this period, including 1845-1851, in a speech in the Massachusetts Senate, Feb. 24, 1852 (Boston Commonwealth, March 1, 1852), and in a letter to L. V. Bell (Commonwealth, July 14, 1852). The meeting. which was addressed by Allen, passed a resolution which deserves a perpetual record: Massachusetts wears no chains and spurns all bribes; she goes now, and will ever go, for free soil and free men, for free lips and a free press, for a free land and a free world
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