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Robert C. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 5
way of avoiding a direct issue on the Wilmot Proviso; At Carthage, Ohio, September, 1847. Boston Whig, Oct. 7, 1847. Winthrop in the House supported it; Feb. 22, 1847. Addresses and Speeches, vol. i. p. 589. and the Northern Whig press very gy adopted it as a politic solution of a vexed question. The proposition, as it came from Berrien in the Senate and from Winthrop in the House, was lost by a vote which was rather party than sectional. The advantages of the acquisition were too apptreated in his campaign speech. It was a forlorn hope; and he received less than a third as many votes as were given to Winthrop, the Whig candidate. In the brief interval then existing between the national and State elections, Sumner, on behalf and held them up as deserving the penalties of treason. Adams, November 9, at Faneuil Hall, made a spirited retort to Winthrop's suggestion. Boston Republican, November 13. The passage of Sumner's speech at Worcester in June, in which he ment
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 5
egates from Massachusetts—Charles Allen and Henry Wilson—announced, amidst demonstrations of disfavok the favorable view of Webster at this time. Wilson and Allen voted for him in the convention at Pre were present Adams, S. C. Phillips, Sumner, Wilson, E. R. Hoar, E. L. Keyes, F. W. Bird, and Edwat them. Boston Whig, June 19 and 24. 1848. Wilson gave an account of this period, including 1845ion of Slavery. Works, vol. II. pp. 76-88. Wilson has described it as one of great thoroughness before or during the Civil War,—Sumner, Adams, Wilson, Burlingame, Dana, E. R. Hoar, and Andrew. Am the leading offenders, —Adams, Sumner, Allen, Wilson, Palfrey, Keyes, and Bird. The Webster Whig nominated by the Whigs, would be elected. Henry Wilson, in a letter to the New York Tribune, Apriltead of a majority rule had then prevailed. Wilson, in the Emancipator and Republican, Oct. 30, 1849. Among the representatives chosen were Wilson, Boutwell, Banks, and Claflin; and among the sena[5 more.
an, though the wiser heads among them shrank at the last from an extension which might after a struggle leave them relatively weaker. The purpose of Polk's Administration to acquire territory from Mexico was manifested early in the war, and even before. The President, in August, 1846, signified to Congress that a cession from Mexico was a probable mode of concluding peace, and with that purpose in view called for two millions of dollars. An appropriation bill being reported in the House, Wilmot of Pennsylvania moved, August 8, an amendment, known afterwards as the Wilmot Proviso, prohibiting slavery forever in the territory to be acquired. It passed the House with the general support of both Northern Whigs and Democrats, but a vote was prevented in the Senate by the unseasonable loquacity of John Davis of Massachusetts, who was still talking when the session expired. Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 287-289. Davis's long speech was certainly a ridiculous folly as well as a grave mista
John G. Whittier (search for this): chapter 5
that is wanted is that the truth should be declared. Put it before the people, and they will receive it. The coming Presidential contest promises to have a character which none other has ever had. High principles will be discussed in it. To Whittier, July 12:— Things tend to Van Buren as our candidate; I am willing to take him. With him we can break the slave-power; that is our first aim. We can have a direct issue on the subject of slavery. We hope that McLean will be Vice-Presidentused whose influence is not felt. To John Jay, December 5:— Surely our good cause of freedom is much advanced. I do hope that at last there will be a party that does believe in God, or at least in some better devil than Mammon. To Whittier, December 6:— Your poem The Wish of To-day. in the last Era has touched my heart. May God preserve you in strength and courage for all good works! . . . The literature of the world is turning against slavery. We shall have it soon in a st<
Lowell Courier was not far behind in this generous use of billingsgate. Altogether it was a disreputable period in Boston journalism, such as has never been known since. Seceders from a party must not expect soft words from former associates; but the Whig journals of Boston at that time exceeded the limits of decent criticism, and undertook to enforce a discipline inconsistent with individual liberty. In contrast with their vindictiveness was the course of the New York Tribune, the representative Whig journal of the United States, which treated the Free Soil leaders with uniform respect and charity. It was the fashion of the time to invoke the sentiment of national unity against a party organized on the basis of antislavery ideas. The Atlas denounced the new party as sectional, and promoting disunion, and said the South ought not to submit to its policy, August 26; November 13. though the editor became eight years later an earnest supporter of the Republican party, to which
Fletcher Webster (search for this): chapter 5
vice for keeping the peace within the party. Webster earnestly advocated it; Speeches of March 1, 1847, and March 23, 1848. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 253, 271. Corwin gave it later his sanc nomination was made. The Atlas's support of Webster was at first genuine, but late in the canvasssociates in Massachusetts would have accepted Webster; E. R. Hoar, C. R. Train, and Rev. J. W. T were of those who took the favorable view of Webster at this time. Wilson and Allen voted for him is a movement at the State House to nominate Webster. E. Rockwood Hoar and Charles R. Train promoe I welcomed; at the same time I said that if Webster were presented as a candidate on these groundry. He has evidently felt the fascination of Webster's presence. Webster told him that he would nations, was now an open supporter of Taylor. Webster, after some dalliance with the movement, was ty was in its open and formal action pressing Webster as its candidate. He gave a long account of [13 more...]
Washington (search for this): chapter 5
lected if he were nominated; and that Clay, if nominated, could not be elected, and that Taylor was the only candidate whom the Whigs could elect. He stated that Mr. Lawrence's preference for Taylor dated as far back as his own, and had been expressed for months; and that he had signified to the New York Taylor committee that he would accept a place on the ticket with General Taylor. Mr. Lawrence, Feb. 17, 1848, wrote a letter to a Taylor meeting in Philadelphia connecting the names of Washington and Taylor (printed in the Atlas, February 25), saying that Taylor, if nominated by the Whigs, would be elected. Henry Wilson, in a letter to the New York Tribune, April 1, 1848, stated that a few manufacturers of considerable influence were almost the only supporters of Taylor, and were associating with his candidacy the name of Mr. Lawrence, though not coming forward in conventions. But without imputing duplicity to either of these gentlemen, there is no doubt that the Whig leaders, at
Amasa Walker (search for this): chapter 5
men of Massachusetts, was called to the chair. S. C. Phillips reported an address and resolutions; six delegates at large, with Adams's name at the head, were chosen to attend the convention at Buffalo. Among the speakers were Allen, Wilson, Amasa Walker, Joshua Leavitt, Adams, Sumner, Keyes, E. R. Hoar, J. R. Giddings, and L. D. Campbell, the last two from Ohio. Early in the day Sumner read a letter from Dr. Palfrey (then in Congress) approving the objects of the meeting, and moved a vote ofection of 1848, Sumner attended faithfully the conferences of the Free Soil leaders. In January, 1849, he was present as an adviser of the Free Soil members of the Legislature at their meeting in a room connected with Tremont Temple, at which Amasa Walker was nominated for Speaker. The Free Soil State convention for 1849 met at Worcester September 12. The large body of delegates present showed that the party retained in Massachusetts, unlike the course of affairs in New York, its full vigor
Edward Walcutt (search for this): chapter 5
s, and of national reputation as a statesman; but that he would riot advise the nomination, or recommend the election, of a swearing, fighting, frontier colonel The antislavery Whigs of Massachusetts, anticipating the result of the Whig convention, conferred in advance as to the manner in which they should meet it. On May 27 there was a conference in Boston at the office of C. F. Adams, where were present Adams, S. C. Phillips, Sumner, Wilson, E. R. Hoar, E. L. Keyes, F. W. Bird, and Edward Walcutt. They decided in case General Taylor, or any candidate not distinctly committed against the extension of slavery, should be nominated at Philadelphia to enter at once upon an organized opposition to his election, and to call a State convention for the purpose. At a later meeting, June 5, they approved a form of call prepared by E. R. Hoar, and agreed to issue it in the event of General Taylor's nomination. Wilson and Allen were joined at Philadelphia by thirteen The last survivors
John C. Vaughan (search for this): chapter 5
any candidate not distinctly committed against the extension of slavery, should be nominated at Philadelphia to enter at once upon an organized opposition to his election, and to call a State convention for the purpose. At a later meeting, June 5, they approved a form of call prepared by E. R. Hoar, and agreed to issue it in the event of General Taylor's nomination. Wilson and Allen were joined at Philadelphia by thirteen The last survivors of the fifteen were Stanley Matthews and John C. Vaughan, both of Ohio. The former died in 1889, and the latter died in Cincinnati in 1892. other delegates, who approved their public protest against General Taylor's nomination, and it was decided to call a national convention to be held at Buffalo in August. The two protesting delegates from Massachusetts upon their return home addressed their constituents,—Wilson by letter, and Allen in person,—both reviewing the proceedings at Philadelphia, and summoning the people to reject them. Bost
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