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Newburyport (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
d the shameless avowal of a spirit both tyrannical and mercenary, . . . . making political principles a matter of bargain and sale. Horace Mann, in two Letters, May 3 and June 6 (Notes, July 8) subjected Webster's speech of March 7, and his Newburyport and Kennebee letters, to a trenchant criticism, exhibiting his inconsistency, and following him closely in his misstatements. Mann's argument was one of great ability, but impaired in its effect by intensives and personalities. Sumner read t Court. If that decision were out of the way, I think it could be easily vindicated to the States. Mr. Chase in his masterly speach has touched this point strongly. You have doubtless read webster's recent wicked letter. To Citizens of Newburyport, May 15, 1850. There is a diabolism in it beyond even that of his speech. He seeks to assimilate the cases of fugitives from justice and fugitive slaves under the Constitution; and because the former cannot claim the trial by jury where they
Cambridge (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
Dr. Palfrey has perpetuated his permanent judgment in his History of New England, vol. v. .487, where he refers to those great men of New England who, in the three special crises of her history, abased themselves to take the lead in deserting and withstanding her righteous cause. Two of these were the Colonial governors, Dudley and Hutchinson, and the third, not named, was Webster. Theodore Parker traced a parallel between him and Strafford and Arnold. Emerson said of him, in the Cambridge City Hall, Every drop of blood in this man's veins has eves that look downward. Whittier wrote of him as Ichabod,— So fallen! so lost! the light withdrawn Which once he wore! The glory from his gray hairs gone Forevermore. Then, pay the reverence of old days To his dead fame; Walk backward, with averted gaze, And hide the shame! Adams said publicly of Mann, that he had boldly taken the great traitor by the throat and held him up to the view of the people of Massachusetts; and after th
Wilson, N. C. (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
e to the principles and sentiments of the Commonwealth. Wilson's Rise and Fall, vol. II. pp. 247-258. He was as good as e committee at the Adams House in Boston, September 10. Wilson's Rise and Fall, vol. II. pp. 341-343. It was a meet in, r should be left to act according to his sense of duty. Wilson's paper, the Emancipator and Republican, had already, Augud to antislavery action, and hostile to the Compromise. Wilson's Rise and Fall, vol. II. p. 339. (See Von Holst, vol. Is with whom he was most in association did not exhibit. Wilson's Rise and Fall, vol. II. pp. 346, 347. This made him als The detailed account of the proceedings will be found in Wilson's two statements, published in the Commonwealth, January 3ife, vol. II. p. 187. but the practical politicians under Wilson's leadership, inspired by the masses behind them, were det been clamed for Israel Haynes of Sudbury, an indomitable (Wilson's Rise and Fall, vol. II. p. 350); for Henry A. Hardy of
Lowell (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ay in submission to slaveholding demands. There were, indeed, honest fears with conservative minds of what the South might do in its madness; but material considerations inspired largely the harangues which insisted that the Compromise was essential to national peace and the Union. The mercantile and manufacturing interests, stronger in Boston than elsewhere in the State, with banking houses in State Street, counting-rooms in Milk Street, homes in Beacon Street or near by, and factories in Lowell, rallied promptly to Webster's support, bringing with them well-established journals of the city, and capitalists and politicians in all parts of the State, who from social or financial connections naturally followed the lead of those interests. Webster's personal magnetism. the authority of his name, pride in his career, the habit of deference to all he said, was a potent influence with many generous minds, swaying them against their natural instincts and their better sense. Dana wrote
Worcester (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
taint of radicalism in his character. It was not till 1850, in the heat of the Webster controversy, that he was subjected to social discrimination. Offence was then taken not only at his general course, but at a remark he made in a speech at Worcester, that there was not moral power enough in Boston to execute the laws of the Commonwealth when they conflicted with the interests of the slave-power. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. pp. 187, 192. The two leading journals of the city shown and Webster's were in substantial identity. Emancipator and Republican, August 1 and 29. The Whigs outside of Boston made an effort to avoid the Compromise as an issue. The resolutions of their State convention, drawn by A. H. Bullock, of Worcester, abstained from approval and disapproval, though approving Fillmore's Administration; and their address, from the same hand, while delicately commenting on the Compromise, sought to pacify the public mind with the claim that the North had on t
Burlington (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ugh I like them both,—and so he does with the Free Soilers in this section of the State. Rev. Joshua Leavitt wrote from New York, December 18: I confidently hope and trust that in a month from this time you will take your seat in the Senate of the United States as the substitute of Robert C. Winthrop and the successor of Daniel Webster. I need not say how greatly I shall be gratified at such an event, both for your sake and that of the cause. E. A. Stansbury, a journalist, wrote from Burlington, Vt., December 31, expressing strongly the general feeling of Free Soilers in New England in favor of his selection among all who had been named. Adams wrote, December 10, from Washington, where he was passing a few days, a thoughtful letter. He had come to the conclusion that the triumph of the antislavery cause, though sure, was distant, and he was not inclined to estimate so highly as others the importance of securing a Free Soil senator; and apprehensive of the dangers of any alliance
Harwich, Barnstable County, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
found in the boxes and thrown out. Who gave the decisive vote could not be ascertained; suspicion or guess or a tardy claim has pointed at different members as casting it. It has been clamed for Israel Haynes of Sudbury, an indomitable (Wilson's Rise and Fall, vol. II. p. 350); for Henry A. Hardy of Danvers, another indomitable, who was himself elected by one majority (A. G. Browne in Commonwealth, Jan. 31, 1863; L. F. Gould's letter to Sumner, Feb. 7, 1863); and for Nathaniel Doane of Harwich, a Whig. The declaration of the final vote, which took place early in the afternoon, was greeted with cheers, which the Speaker promptly suppressed. The news spread quickly. The Free Soilers rejoiced with fulness of heart, many saying as long as they lived that it was the happiest moment of their lives. The managers of the Commonwealth displayed the national colors from their office at the northeast corner of Washington and State streets, and in the evening illuminated the building a
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
the question between that colony and the imperial government. I am anxious that It should be left to the parties without any intervention. I shall enclose this in a note to a friend now in London,—Mr. Burlingame. Anson Burlingame. Though young in years, he has won a brilliant reputation as a public speaker. To George Sumner, January 8:— You will see by the papers the doings at Washington. The contest on the Speakership is showing its good influence already. Howell Cobb of Georgia and Winthrop being the Democratic and Whig candidates. Ante, p. 148. The slave-power has received its first serious check, and all parties see that the slavery question is soon to be paramount to all others. . . . General Cass's motion in the Senate Looking to a suspension of diplomatic relations with Austria, on account of her treatment of Hungary. will probably be defeated; it would certainly be a dangerous precedent. Nevertheless, I am so sincerely displeased by the conduct of Austr
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
majority for the union of ten in the Senate (to be increased when the vacancies were filled by joint ballot), and of fifty-four in the House. The existing method required United States senators to be chosen by concurrent vote of both houses. The House selected two of the three candidates for governor having the highest number of votes, and the Senate chose between the two candidates whose names were thus selected by the House. The result was extraordinary. Massachusetts had been, except Vermont, the most steadfast Whig State in the Union, varying from a uniform Whig majority, usually very large, only in the elections of 1838 and 1842, when Marcus Morton, a Democrat, was chosen governor,—the first time by a majority of one in an election by the people, and the second time by a majority of one in the Legislature. In those exceptional instances of Whig defeats, the question of liquor legislation was the disturbing cause. Sumner wrote to his brother George, November 26:— Our
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
arnest and determined that it shall pass; he is using all his talents as leader; and, secondly, the ultra-Southern opposition, I think, will at last give way and support it,—at least enough to pass the measure. If Webster had willed it, he might have defeated it. To Richard Cobden, July 9:— The slaveholders are bent on securing the new territories for slavery, and they see in prospective an immense slave nation embracing the Gulf of Mexico and all its islands, and stretching from Maryland to Panama. For this they are now struggling, determined while in the Union to govern and direct its energies; or if obliged to quit, to build up a new nation slaveholding throughout. They are fighting with desperation, and have been aided by traitors at the North. Webster's apostasy is the most barefaced. Not only the cause of true antislavery is connected with the overthrow of the slave propaganda, but also that of peace. As soon as it is distinctly established that there shall be no
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