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January 31st (search for this): chapter 9
. Mason of Virginia, its final author, with both of whom I have constant and cordial intercourse. This experience would teach me, if I needed the lesson, to shun harsh and personal criticism of those from whom I differ. But ours is a great battle, destined to be prolonged many years. It has a place for every nature; and I believe every man who is earnest against slavery. whatever name of party, sect, or society he may assume, does good. I welcome him as a brother. To William Jay, January 31:— I have hoped to see in the treaty on the fisheries now negotiating with England a clause providing arbitration instead of war. Mr. Everett is willing; so is the British minister; Mr. Crampton. but it is feared that the necessary instructions cannot be obtained in season from England. But there is another treaty of less importance, constituting a commission on certain outstanding claims, to which it may be attached, if it should be thought advisable. Mr. Everett doubts if the l
February 23rd (search for this): chapter 9
being taken to fill them, though each received some votes, there was no quorum and no election. The President, being authorized to fill them, assigned a place to Hale, but not to the other two. At the special session, beginning March 4, 1853, Sumner was restored to the committee on roads and canals. Sumner, though then as always faithful in attendance, was inactive during the session,—a fact true of other senators who were not charged with important committee work. He spoke briefly, February 23, in favor of giving the President a discretion to appoint civilians as superintendents of armories. Works, vol. III. p. 208. In the special session he spoke briefly, April 6, against secrecy in the sessions and proceedings of the Senate, except for special reasons, and concluded his remarks Works, vol. III. p 212. as follows:— The limitation proposed seems adequate to all exigencies, while the general rule will be publicity. Executive sessions with closed doors, shrouded f
March (search for this): chapter 9
nce, Better the despised Pilgrim, a fugitive for freedom, than the halting politician, forgetful of principle, with a Senate at his heels. Receiving an invitation to attend the Fourth of July celebration by the city government of Boston for this year, Sumner sent to the mayor a toast in favor of a railroad from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, Works, vol. III. p. 228.—an enterprise whose fulfilment seemed then far in the distance. Congress had taken the first step in the preceding March by providing for a survey, but the line was not open across the continent till sixteen years later. Sumner wrote to W. W. Story at Rome, August 2:— I take up this old sheet on which nearly a year ago I commenced a letter to you; if I have not written it has not been from indifference. Only yesterday the convention for revising our Constitution closed its labors. I was a member for the borough of Marshfield, and have been much occupied in various ways during the session. This is
March 24th (search for this): chapter 9
e would not bury in the tomb of her hero. All honor to her! Adams refused to be a candidate for any town but his own, and was defeated in Quincy by the refusal of the Irish voters to support him. No town was disposed to adopt Palfrey, probably because of his aversion to Democrats and his want of sympathy in previous years with the coalition. The exclusion of Adams and Palfrey from the convention was thought to have affected their subsequent treatment of its work. Sumner wrote to Wilson, March 24:— I am obliged by your kind letter. Most sincerely do I wish that you or some other good man were representative from Marshfield. You know my little desire for public distinction, I might almost say for public favors, and I assure you I should have had sincere pleasure in seeing this honor bestowed upon another; but I hope never to fail where I can hope to do any good service to liberal principles. My desire was to visit the West, which I have never seen, during the coming spring,
March 28th (search for this): chapter 9
t all costs and anywhere. If once established, it will become a precedent of incalculable value, and will mark a new era in the law of nations. I think Mr. Everett would be glad to illustrate his brief term of service by such an act. My special object now is to invite you to prepare such a clause as you think best for adoption. Perhaps it would be well to present it in several different forms. Mr. Everett expressed a desire to have the advantage of your counsels. To Theodore Parker, March 28:— I mourn the feud between brothers in antislavery. Controversy between Wendell Phillips and Horace Mann on the voting question. If Phillips, whom I love as an early comrade and faithful man, or Pillsbury, Parker Pillsbury. rail at me for my small work in antislavery, I will not reply. To me the cause is so dear that I am unwilling to set myself against any of its champions. I would not add to their burdens by any word of mine. In proportion as the position of our pioneer frien
April 6th (search for this): chapter 9
the other two. At the special session, beginning March 4, 1853, Sumner was restored to the committee on roads and canals. Sumner, though then as always faithful in attendance, was inactive during the session,—a fact true of other senators who were not charged with important committee work. He spoke briefly, February 23, in favor of giving the President a discretion to appoint civilians as superintendents of armories. Works, vol. III. p. 208. In the special session he spoke briefly, April 6, against secrecy in the sessions and proceedings of the Senate, except for special reasons, and concluded his remarks Works, vol. III. p 212. as follows:— The limitation proposed seems adequate to all exigencies, while the general rule will be publicity. Executive sessions with closed doors, shrouded from the public gaze and public intrusion, constitute an exceptional part of our system, too much in harmony with the proceedings of other governments less liberal in character. Th
April 16th (search for this): chapter 9
ott, but rather to a Democratic candidate of Free Soil sympathies. He was specially anxious to keep the Free Soilers from becoming embarrassed by premature declarations in favor of a candidate whom they might find themselves unable to support without a sacrifice of their principles. From what he wrote it is not likely that he would have been content with Scott except with a guaranty that he would in his Administration treat freedom as national and slavery as sectional. He wrote to Adams, April 16: My own position is still one of absolute independence without the least commitment; and this I have earnestly commended to our friends in Massachusetts. Again he wrote, June 8, just after the Democratic convention:— Chase is quite discontented with the convention, and will not support the candidate. This is good. . . . Seward says there will be no resolutions at the Whig convention. His influence is so potential that I am disposed to believe that it will be so. What, then, can we
April 21st (search for this): chapter 9
eted opportunity to make public their theories of government and the social state, and to prescribe their remedies for all the miseries and misfortunes of the human family. Sumner was chosen a delegate without being consulted, and regretted, as has been seen, his election. His service as member postponed his plan for a journey to the West, which he had not before visited; and it confined him during the heats of the summer, with only a few days' interval of refreshment, after his return, April 21, from Washington. He, however, did his duty faithfully by attendance on the sessions, and as chairman of the committee on the preamble and declaration of rights, which held twenty meetings while engaged in preparing its work. He submitted the committee's report, July 8. He occupied, May 31, the chair in committee of the who'e. He took no part in the debates till June 21 and 22, when he spoke upon resolutions concerning the militia, Works, vol. III. pp. 216-227. particularly upon th
May (search for this): chapter 9
all discouragements to testify and act against slavery. This speech is not found in Sumner's Works, but the speeches at the dinner, including his, are printed in the Boston Commonwealth, May 6, 7, 9. Seward wrote, May 19:— I read your speech at the Hale dinner with real admiration, as I did Hale's with delight, and the whole with sincere satisfaction. We are on the rising tide again, and the day of apology for principles of political justice draws to a close. Sumner declined in May an invitation to deliver an address before the Story Association, composed of past and present members of the Law School at Cambridge, an appointment which Mr. Choate filled two years before. Wendell Phillips wrote to Sumner, March 21, 1853, when the illustrated edition of White Slavery in the Barbary States Ante, p. 24. came out:— It is a good thing, and now most fitly adorned; but I value it the more just now, as its arrival brings to my mind the saw, Old times, old books, old frien
May 4th (search for this): chapter 9
G. Abbott; and among the latter were Wilson, Dana, Sumner, Burlingame, Charles Allen, Marcus Morton (two of the name, father and son), Amasa Walker, E. L. Keyes, Charles P. Huntington, F. W. Bird, and John M. Earle. Five of the members had been or were afterwards governors,—Briggs, Boutwell, Gardner, Banks, and Talbot. Three afterwards became United States senators, Rockwell, Boutwell, and Dawes. One (the younger Morton) became chief-justice of the State. The convention began its session May 4, and closed August 1. Robert Rantoul, father of the distinguished statesman of that name, and member of the next earlier convention of 1820, called it to order. Banks, already eminent as a presiding officer of the State House of Representatives, and since Speaker in Congress, was chosen the president. Nothing was wanting to the dignity of the assembly; its only drawback was the circumstance that its members had been chosen on strict party lines, and the majority had a distinct political e
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