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al and personal discussion as to affairs in Missouri, and particularly as to Schurz's connection with them. The debate reached its highest point of interest on February 19 and 20,—Conkling having the former day, and Schurz the latter. On the first day the friends of the President crowded the galleries,—among whom were conspicuous the ladies from the White House. Conkling's speech was characteristic in manner, gesture, and style. The next day, when Schurz was to reply, ladies were admittelation bill in 1874, against the counsels of Morton and Logan, and after he had once decided to approve it; J. R. Young's Around the World with General Grant, vol. II. pp. 153, 154. but in civil administration it was not an improvement on the first, and it brought his party to the brink of defeat in 1876. It was the period of the Whiskey Ring conspiracy, in which he manifested more sympathy with Babcock, an indicted party, than with the prosecutors, Secretary Bristow and Solicitor Wilson;
(Congressional Globe, p. 1322), against changes in the Bankruptcy Act calculated to impair its efficiency. He received, February 6, a delegation of the city council of Boston, charged with the errand of promoting an appropriation for the post-office in that city, and his cordiality was referred to in their commemorative meeting, March 12, 1874. In the evening of that day he responded from the steps of his house to a serenade by the colored people. Boston Journal, Dec. 2, 1873. On the first day of the session, and again after the holiday recess, Sumner made an earnest effort to have his civil-rights bill, now number one on the calendar, taken up; Dec. 2, 1873, Works, vol. XV. pp. 286-290; Jan. 27, 1874, Ibid., pp. 301-313. He presented at this session a large number of petitions for the bill. but Edmunds, who was in favor of some measure of the kind, as well as Morrill of Maine and Ferry of Connecticut, both of whom believed such legislation unconstitutional, insisted, agai
up the subject of slavery, telling the President that he was right then in his course, but that he must be ready to strike when the moment came. The time he thought had come when the first considerable conflict of the two forces took place at Bull Run; and he then desired the President at once to take the step openly and irrevocably. What occurred then he stated subsequently as follows:— On the day of the disaster he was with the President twice, but made no suggestion then. On the second day thereafter, when the tidings from all quarters showed that the country was aroused to intense action, he visited the President expressly to urge emancipation. The President received him kindly, and when Mr. Sumner said that he had come to make an important recommendation with regard to the conduct of the war, replied promptly that he was occupied with that very question, and had something new upon it. M. Sumner, thinking that he was anticipated, said, You are going against slavery? Oh,
h reproached him for not having promptly protested against the alleged wrongs. Frelinghuysen and Harlan followed in the same line, and justified the use of naval power, chiefly relying on the action of Tyler and Polk in the acquisition of Texas,—pro-slavery Presidents carrying out pro-slavery purposes. Schurz supported Sumner in a speech begun on one day and ending on the other, in which he dealt at length with the President's use of military power without authority from Congress. On the third day the subject was laid on the table on Harlan's motion. The President communicated to Congress, April 5, the report of the commissioners, which, as was expected, was altogether favorable to his view. The report was reviewed and its positions contested by W. L. Garrison in the New York Independent, April 13, 1871. His message contained passages understood to be intended for Sumner. He alluded to acrimonious debates in Congress and unjust aspersions elsewhere; to the censure of disapp
. Answer in thought when you go to your dinner that day, the 26th of December. whose membership included Emerson, Longfellow, Agassiz, Lowell, Benjamin Peirce, Motley, Whipple, Judge Hoar, Felton, Dr. Holmes, R. H. Dana, J. M. Forbes, and others. This club is commemorated in Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. pp. 162-170, 360. He had been its guest before at times, but he now when in Boston dined regularly with it at Parker's on its club day, the last Saturday of the month. On other Saturdays he dined at times at Parker's, with a political club of which his friend F. W. Bird was the leader; but his frequent dining with this club belongs to a period three or four years later. George Sumner, who had been smitten with paralysis two years before, died, October 6, at the Massachusetts General Hospital. Charles was with him daily after his return from Washington, except at the time of his address in New York, being then called home by the tidings of George's rapid decline. Longf
u a thousand times for your indomitable resistance to the admission of Louisiana, with her caste system! This afternoon some forty gentlemen dined at Bird's room, A Republican club, composed mostly of radical antislavery men, which dined on Saturdays in Boston. and all, nemine dissentiente, approved it, and with full praise. Frederick Douglass wrote from Rochester, April 29:— The friends of freedom all over the country have looked to you and confided in you, of all men in the United iss Harlan, Mr. and Mrs. James Speed, and Judge Otto. At Fort Monroe, in the night or early morning, they heard by telegraph of Mr. Seward's serious injury received in a fall from his carriage. At City Point, where they arrived about noon on the 6th, they found Mr. Lincoln. This was the day when the President wrote to General Weitzel, and sent a despatch to General Grant concerning the Virginia Legislature. (Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. x. pp. 222-228.) His action in authorizi
also from memory some lines from Longfellow's Resignation. Mrs. Lincoln's letter to Sumner, July 5, 1865 (manuscript). It was probably the same day that Sumner asked him if he had ever had any doubt about his declaration made in 1858, when he opened his campaign with Douglas,—A house divided against itself cannot stand; and he answered, Not in the least; it was clearly true, and time has justified me. Works, vol. IX. p 379. The party arrived in Washington at six P. M., Sunday, the 9th, and the President at once sought Mr. Seward, who had been kept in bed by his injury. It is not certain that Sumner saw the President again until he stood at his bedside on the night of the 14th. On the 10th a message from the White House, accompanied with a bunch of flowers, communicated to Sumner the surrender of Lee's army. On Tuesday evening, the 11th, the city was illuminated in honor of the final victory. A note from Mrs. Lincoln invited Sumner to come to the White House, bringing
of justification or defence, and other public bodies took similar action. Works, vol. x. p. 268. The President's language found an echo in threats of violence against the senator, originating with the partisans of the former's policy. Works, vol. x. p. 269. The debate continued for more than a month, Fessenden being the leader in favor of the amendment, and Henderson, Yates, and Pomeroy among Republicans opposing it. Sumner spoke twice after his first speech, on March 7 and on the 9th, when the vote was taken. Works, vol. x. pp. 282-337, 338-345. Some of the epithets applied by him to the committee's proposition, which, though short-sighted, was well meant, exceeded the measure of the occasion. He was perhaps led to make them the stronger by the treatment he received from Fessenden, who without any due provocation descended into personalities, and pursued Sumner with unconcealed bitterness. March 9. Congressional Globe, pp. 1277-1280. Sumner followed with a reply
tions after the State's admission was treated at length. Howard thought he had made a good point on Sumner by offsetting the Massachusetts exclusion of ignorant voters against the Nebraska exclusion of colored persons. Cowan dismissed with levity the idea of political equality,—resorting to physical analogies, and comparing his own height, six feet and three inches, and his weight, as one hundred and ninety pounds, with Sumner's height as the same, and thirty pounds greater weight. On the 9th, just as the vote was being taken, Wade called on the friends of the bill to vote down Brown's amendment, and Sumner called on all the friends of human freedom to support it; it received only eight votes. Edmunds's amendment, which imposed impartial suffrage as a condition, without requiring a popular or legislative acceptance, and therefore interposing no delay in the admission, was lost only by a tie vote in committee of the whole; but when renewed a few minutes later, it prevailed by two
his declaration made in 1858, when he opened his campaign with Douglas,—A house divided against itself cannot stand; and he answered, Not in the least; it was clearly true, and time has justified me. Works, vol. IX. p 379. The party arrived in Washington at six P. M., Sunday, the 9th, and the President at once sought Mr. Seward, who had been kept in bed by his injury. It is not certain that Sumner saw the President again until he stood at his bedside on the night of the 14th. On the 10th a message from the White House, accompanied with a bunch of flowers, communicated to Sumner the surrender of Lee's army. On Tuesday evening, the 11th, the city was illuminated in honor of the final victory. A note from Mrs. Lincoln invited Sumner to come to the White House, bringing his friend the marquis to witness the spectacle, and mentioned that a little speech from Mr. Lincoln was expected. The Marquis de Chambrun's Personal Recollections of Lincoln and Sumner, particularly in the
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