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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4.

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J. Russell Young (search for this): chapter 11
national claims is peculiarly Davis's, as he did not submit it, as he did the other parts of the Case, to publicists for revision. Davis to Fish, Sept. 21, 1872. prepared by Davis under Fish's direction, and approved by President Grant, J. Russell Young (Around the World with General Grant, vol. II. pp. 279, 280) reports General Grant as stating that he consented, against his belief, to the inclusion of the indirect claims in the American Case,—doing so at Mr. Fish's request, who thought i with the committee and, of the preparation and filing of the Case make it clear that General Grant did not include the indirect claims in the Case for the reason he is reported to have given. The New York Tribune, May 23, 1880, in commenting on Young's narrative, wrote that the pressing of claims by the President which he did not believe in would be deceiving both the country and England, and that it seems impossible that the Ex-President should be unconscious of the immorality and indecency
J. Russell Young (search for this): chapter 14
itary services, not always with discrimination, as the best title to civil honors. Reconciliation was put in the foreground by Greeley's supporters; but the President had not been backward in that movement, and the last Congress, both parties uniting, had passed a liberal measure of amnesty. The President's second term was marked by one most beneficent act,—his veto of the inflation bill in 1874, against the counsels of Morton and Logan, and after he had once decided to approve it; J. R. Young's Around the World with General Grant, vol. II. pp. 153, 154. but in civil administration it was not an improvement on the first, and it brought his party to the brink of defeat in 1876. It was the period of the Whiskey Ring conspiracy, in which he manifested more sympathy with Babcock, an indicted party, than with the prosecutors, Secretary Bristow and Solicitor Wilson; Ante, p. 429, note. The investigations concerning general orders in New York and the Sanborn moiety contracts may be
York (search for this): chapter 2
lphia. Such was the impression which it made on the public that he was urged to deliver it a second time both in Boston and Philadelphia; and he consented to repeat it in the former city, but not in the latter. Its final delivery was at Cooper Institute in New York, November 27. The hall was crowded with an audience the best which that great city could supply. The scene was the more brilliant from the presence of ladies in larger numbers than had ever been seen on such an occasion in New York. The platform was thronged by men already or since eminent in public life, or in various departments of professional, business, or literary activity. The chairman, William Curtis Noyes, of high rank at the bar, on taking the chair, gave a sketch of the career of James Otis, the patriot leader of the Revolution, in fame and suffering for the cause of liberty the counterpart and forerunner of the orator of the evening, whom he introduced as the advocate and friend of all, of whatever rank or
Yeaman (search for this): chapter 18
hagen after Mr. Seward's first offer, which our minister at that court was unable to break; Mr. Yeaman's letters to Mr. Seward, January 21, March 13, April 27 and 30, and May 2, 1867. finally, instof time became necessary. So sluggish were the Danes in the whole business that our minister, Mr. Yeaman, could not control his impatience, and wrote of the national characteristic: In everything, fr inspiring leader, was losing the confidence of the country. He telegraphed Jan. 19, 1867, to Mr. Yeaman, Tell Raasloff, haste important. In a letter to Mr. Yeaman, Aug. 7, 1867, he urged on the DanMr. Yeaman, Aug. 7, 1867, he urged on the Danish government promptness in the pending negotiation as essential to success; and in letters September 23 and 28, a month before the convention was signed, he emphasized the hazard to which the procraSeward handed it to The Senate, as he well knew at the time. This appears from his letters to Mr. Yeaman, as well as front his letter to Mr. Sumner, Nov. 9, 1868, when replying to the latter's inquir
Richard Yates (search for this): chapter 8
he former's policy. Works, vol. x. p. 269. The debate continued for more than a month, Fessenden being the leader in favor of the amendment, and Henderson, Yates, and Pomeroy among Republicans opposing it. Sumner spoke twice after his first speech, on March 7 and on the 9th, when the vote was taken. Works, vol. x. pp. 2 Congressional Globe, pp. 1277-1280. Sumner followed with a reply which was made in the best of temper. Unlike the Maine senator, Williams, Howe, Henderson, and Yates referred to Sumner in very complimentary terms. Sumner's substitute received eight votes—his own and those of Brown, Chandler, Howe, Pomeroy, Wade, and Wilson. eas to twenty-two nays—not two-thirds in favor of it. The Republicans voting against it were Brown, Dixon, Henderson, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Stewart, Sumner, and Yates. Sprague of Rhode Island had intended to vote against the amendment, but informed Sumner the day before by note that he should support it. Chief-Justice Chase w
Richard Yates (search for this): chapter 12
mner a vaulting logician, and asked him to descend from his tripod, to emerge from his oracular and profane mysteries, and meet the precise questions. April 5. Congressional Globe, pp. 2425. 2426. He chafed under the charge made by Morton and Yates in the earlier debate on Mississippi as well as now by Sumner, that he was maintaining State rights in the Calhoun sense. Feb. 14, 1870. Congressional Globe, pp. 1257, 1258. He was very impatient with Sumner's habit of referring to the Declars (Md.), Willey (W. Va.). Pairs for the treaty,—Ames (Miss.), Anthony (R. I.), Carpenter (Wis.), Gilbert (Fla.), Hamilton (Tex.), Howe (Wis.), and Pomeroy (Kan.). Pairs against the treaty,--Banyard (Del.). Buckinghamn (Conn.), Kellogg (La.), and Yates (111.). Sherman, though in his seat, did not vote. The Senate records might show a slight variation from the above lists. The composition of the Senate was such at this time and for four years after that it was open to Executive pressure as at n
Richard Yates (search for this): chapter 13
to the Senate, where it was at once taken up. Sumner read from the newspapers accounts of civil war in San Domingo, and said that the whole scheme was nothing less than the buying of a bloody law-suit. The next day, after speeches from Stewart, Yates, and Wilson for the resolution, and from Schurz against it, the Senate concurred unanimously in the House amendment (Sumner voting for it), and rejected eight amendments offered by the senator. The removal of Sumner from the committee on foreigrity of his motives in the San Domingo controversy. Many cautions enjoining rest and abstinence from excitement came to him. Amos A. Lawrence wrote: After this last illness you must have become satisfied that your enemies are all died out. Richard Yates of Illinois on leaving the Senate wrote a tender letter to Sumner, which closed thus: Pardon me if I say that the remembrance of your kind demeanor towards me inspires me with many a pleasing emotion, and that through life I shall cherish for
Henry C. Wright (search for this): chapter 6
ever, could be the only sure method which would secure the end. On his way to Washington in December, when the session was about to begin, Sumner sketched to Henry C. Wright, a fellow-passenger between Fall River and New York, the form of a petition for an amendment of the Constitution declaring that slavery shall be forever prohibited within the limits of the United States. Two days later, Mr. Wright procured its adoption at a meeting of the American Antislavery Society in Philadelphia, and this is supposed to have been the first public movement for the thirteenth amendment. Works, vol. VIII. p. 351. H. C. Wright's letter to Sumner in manuscript, MayH. C. Wright's letter to Sumner in manuscript, May 17, 1866. Early in the session resolutions for such an amendment were proposed by Ashley of Ohio and Wilson of Iowa in the House, and by Henderson of Missouri in the Senate. Sumner himself offered two forms. He moved a reference of the subject to his own committee on slavery and freedmen, but yielded to Trumbull's suggestio
John Stuart Wortley (search for this): chapter 5
is as Secretary of War, answered, June 14, 1863, Sumner's note of congratulation, and while withholding an expression of opinion on our contest, joined heartily in Sumner's hope for a continuance of unbroken peace between the two nations. Several English friends with whom Sumner came into intimate relations during his first visit to Europe were now far apart from him. The Wharncliffes were open partisans of the South. The Marchioness of Drogheda, daughter of Sumner's old friend John Stuart Wortley, was an exception, and was outspoken and constant for the cause of the Union. She and her husband came to Boston in 1865, where Sumner met them. Brougham spoke of Sumner angrily, and denouncing the attempt to suppress the rebellion, said that our people were stark mad. The Grotes regarded our cause with disfavor; so also did Senior, who wrote only to upbraid us for our shortcomings, saying, But as soon as you get rid of them [Southern politicians heretofore charged with being respon
James Wormley (search for this): chapter 8
Sound joint commission; but this had commenced its session under a treaty before Lord Russell sundered our relations. As to legislation about books, if you will look at the Globe you will see that all the motions against the tax on them have been made by me. I shall continue to watch this interest—of this be assured; I know nobody else in Congress who takes any care of it. You said in your note the other day that I am out evenings. Very rarely. I dine between six and seven; Usually at Wormley's restaurant. but after that am always at home, except in rare cases. I abjure parties. Sumner introduced a resolution of inquiry as to the kidnapping of freedmen on the southern coast for transportation to Cuba and Brazil; and in consequence a statute for punishing it was enacted. Jan. 9, 1866. Works, vol. x. pp. 101-103. He spoke in favor of raising the rank of our diplomatic representatives abroad, with the view of insuring them due consideration, carrying his point against the
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