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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4.

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Judge Taney's opinion as a dictum, thought it sure to be adopted by the court. Lincoln's Administration, however, rejected it altogether, and treated negroes as citizens. Opinion of Edward Bates, Attorney-General; McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. 378; Sumner's Works, vol. v. pp. 497, 498. Mr. Adams, in letters to his constituents, treated as an unrepealed and unrescinded contract Letter to E. L. Pierce, Jan. 1. 1861. Mr. Adams's action was reviewed by E. L. Pierce in the Boston Atlas and Bee, Jan. 9, 1861; and the same journal published a leader, February 19, concerning it. a clause of the Compromise of 1850 which provided for the admission of New Mexico with or without slavery, as its constitution prescribed at the time of admission. But the opponents of that Compromise at the time, and the Republican party later, always treated that provision, as well as a similar one in the Nebraska bill, as purely legislative declarations, subject to repeal and to be repealed whene
December 26th (search for this): chapter 1
merican Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the right of the government to coerce the seceders. (Boston Post, November 27, 28, 29.) His letter, November 19. justifying the complaints of the seceders is printed in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letter, which reviewed his earlier and better record. New York Tribune, December 26. and Daniel E. Sickles, in his speech in the House, Dec. 10, 1860, set up the city of New York as a barrier against the march of national troops for the maintenance of the Union. Journals of great influence, notably the New York Herald and Albany Argus, stimulated the conspiracy with harangues which justified the seceders and denied to the government the right to reduce them to submission by force. Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 395, 396. James Gordon Bennett's later change
he doctor in securing appointments in the army for two of his sons. They were as friendly and confidential as in the early days, and both rejoiced in their restored relations. A letter from Lieber in 1862 began with My old and restored friend. The suspension of their correspondence in 1853 would not be referred to in this Memoir but for an explanation given in a letter of Dr. Lieber printed in his Life and Letters, pp. 296, 297. The doctor living in Columbia, S. C., twenty-two years (from 1835 to 1857), came to take a milder view of slavery than he carried there from the North, and dissented altogether from Sumner's radical treatment of the subject. Moreover, his exile, as he thought it was, was not favorable to geniality of temper. His early friendship for Sumner was indeed genuine; but it was one thing to enjoy the society of an aspiring youth and make use of him, and quite another to see him rise to a distinction far beyond his own. He objected to the style and substance of Su
l at Port-au-Prince, William S. Thayer, consul in Egypt; and Anson Burlingame, minister to China. His influence secured a place on the Sanitary Commission for Dr. Samuel G. Howe; but though exerted from the beginning, it failed to make him minister to Greece,—a country with which Dr. Howe was identified in his youth. Sumner, as was his habit, lingered at Washington after the close of the session; and he was still there April 13 (the day Fort Sumter was surrendered), and even later, on the 15th, when the President issued his proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand troops. He left the capital on the 18th, and stopped in Baltimore, taking a room at Barnum's Hotel. His presence in the city becoming known, a riotous crowd gathered in search of him; and the proprietor insisted that he should leave at once, as his longer stay would be perilous to his property as well as to the guest. The latter, however, claiming his rights as a traveller, was conducted to a secluded chamber, no
January 26th (search for this): chapter 1
ce, members of the Boston Union Committee, sat near Adams as he was speaking; and when he closed, Everett gave him congratulations and approval. Another hearer was Cassius M. Clay, who approved Adams's propositions in an address in Washington, January 26; New York Tribune, January 28. Adams in this speech indicated his disposition to abandon the personal liberty laws of the States. Everett approved the Crittenden Compromise in a letter to the author of it; but Winthrop's reply was guarded. C1861:— I am much more afraid for our cause than for our capital Events march, and I do not see how the secession of thirteen or fourteen States can be arrested. But pray keep the North firm,—this is my daily prayer. To F. W. Ballard, January 26:— This is a trying ordeal. History will protect the men who now stand firm. No compromise will now hold. Mr. Lincoln is perfectly firm. He says that the Republican party shall not with his assent become a mere sucked egg, all shell an<
d a place on the Sanitary Commission for Dr. Samuel G. Howe; but though exerted from the beginning, it failed to make him minister to Greece,—a country with which Dr. Howe was identified in his youth. Sumner, as was his habit, lingered at Washington after the close of the session; and he was still there April 13 (the day Fort Sumter was surrendered), and even later, on the 15th, when the President issued his proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand troops. He left the capital on the 18th, and stopped in Baltimore, taking a room at Barnum's Hotel. His presence in the city becoming known, a riotous crowd gathered in search of him; and the proprietor insisted that he should leave at once, as his longer stay would be perilous to his property as well as to the guest. The latter, however, claiming his rights as a traveller, was conducted to a secluded chamber, no one but the proprietor and one of his assistants knowing where he was. He left at an early hour the next morning for P
ey in promoting measures to protect fugitive slaves, being the author of the first Act of the kind in his State,—in insisting on the prohibition of slavery in all the Territories, irrespective of conditions of climate and population, and its abolition in all national territory, notably in contests with Webster and Winthrop,—in denouncing the Compromise measures of 1850, and especially the Fugitive Slave Act, the immediate and complete repeal of which he had advocated. He stoutly insisted in 1854 that the Nebraska bill should be opposed, not so much as a breach of compact, but rather as the rejection of the Free Soil principle that slavery should be excluded from the Territories by national prohibition. Letter to Sumner, March 17, 1854. He took part in the Free Soil national conventions of 1848 and 1852, and the Republican convention of 1856; and when elected to Congress in 1858, he was understood to hold the most advanced constitutional positions against slavery. He held such pos
ters between them passing several times a week during the war and reconstruction periods. Sumner often sought Lieber's stores of knowledge on history and public law; and he was happy to do good offices for the doctor in securing appointments in the army for two of his sons. They were as friendly and confidential as in the early days, and both rejoiced in their restored relations. A letter from Lieber in 1862 began with My old and restored friend. The suspension of their correspondence in 1853 would not be referred to in this Memoir but for an explanation given in a letter of Dr. Lieber printed in his Life and Letters, pp. 296, 297. The doctor living in Columbia, S. C., twenty-two years (from 1835 to 1857), came to take a milder view of slavery than he carried there from the North, and dissented altogether from Sumner's radical treatment of the subject. Moreover, his exile, as he thought it was, was not favorable to geniality of temper. His early friendship for Sumner was indeed
Franklin Pierce (search for this): chapter 1
confined to the slaveholding States. The identification of the Democratic party with the slaveholding interest for a long period had poisoned the minds of many of the Democratic leaders at the North. Treasonable sentiments were uttered by Franklin Pierce, Caleb Cushing, Fernando Wood, Horatio Seymour, and Chancellor Walworth; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, andcarry all the slave States by force of sympathy. It was impossible to measure the extent to which the masses of the Democratic party in the North were in accord with their pro-slavery leaders, or to know of a certainty how much there was in Franklin Pierce's prediction, in his letter to Jefferson Davis a year before, that the fighting when it came would not be south of Mason and Dixon's line only, but would be also between two classes of citizens at the North. Other Northern Democratic lead
December 15th (search for this): chapter 1
airman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. The secession movement had been definitely planned before the election of Mr. Lincoln, and its leaders were as well satisfied with this result as were his own supporters. They had even connived at it by a division of the Southern vote, so as to make a pretence for revolution. Immediately after the election was made known, they proceeded actively to consummate their purpose in open and secret measures. On December 15 appeared the address of Jefferson Davis, Benjamin, Slidell, Wigfall, and other leaders of secession in Congress, invoking the Southern people to organize a Southern confederacy; avowing that the primary object of each slaveholding State ought to be its speedy and absolute separation from a union with the hostile States. South Carolina took the lead, and seceded five days later, followed the next month by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana. Texas completed her secession<
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