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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4.

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McPherson (search for this): chapter 1
. 16, 1861, though regarding Judge Taney's opinion as a dictum, thought it sure to be adopted by the court. Lincoln's Administration, however, rejected it altogether, and treated negroes as citizens. Opinion of Edward Bates, Attorney-General; McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. 378; Sumner's Works, vol. v. pp. 497, 498. Mr. Adams, in letters to his constituents, treated as an unrepealed and unrescinded contract Letter to E. L. Pierce, Jan. 1. 1861. Mr. Adams's action was reviewed by t Lincoln approved June 19, 1862. Mr. Adams supported his propositions and others of the committee of Thirty-three by votes in the House,—some of his colleagues from Massachusetts joining with him, but the greater number separating from him. McPherson's History of the Rebellion, pp. 57-62; Congressional Globe, pp. 1262-1264, 1284, 1285, 1327, 1328, 1330. In the House, John Sherman, Schuyler Colfax, and William Windom voted for the proposed constitutional amendment. John Sherman agreed with
February 19th (search for this): chapter 1
ction was reviewed by E. L. Pierce in the Boston Atlas and Bee, Jan. 9, 1861; and the same journal published a leader, February 19, concerning it. a clause of the Compromise of 1850 which provided for the admission of New Mexico with or without slavto the admission of New Mexico without the prohibition of slavery. R. H. Dana, Jr., in speeches at Manchester, N. H. (February 19), and Cambridge, Mass. (February 11), took substantially Adams's view. Boston Advertiser, February 20; Adams's Biogra Durant denounced Sumner, and referred to the break between him and Adams. At a workingmen's meeting, so called, held February 19, in the same place, in support of the compromise, Seward's and Adams's names were applauded, and Sumner's received witopposed by Hale of New Hampshire, Baker of Oregon, and Clingman of North Carolina, but assisted by Douglas. February 18, 19, 20. Congressional Globe, pp. 987, 1030, 1047-1051. He continued while in the Senate, whenever the question came up, to co
November 27th (search for this): chapter 1
ty with the slaveholding interest for a long period had poisoned the minds of many of the Democratic leaders at the North. Treasonable sentiments were uttered by Franklin Pierce, Caleb Cushing, Fernando Wood, Horatio Seymour, and Chancellor Walworth; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the right of the government to coerce the seceders. (Boston Post, November 27, 28, 29.) His letter, November 19. justifying the complaints of the seceders is printed in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letter, which reviewed his earlier and better record. New York Tribune, December 26. and Daniel E. Sickles, in his speech in the House, Dec. 10, 1860, set up the city of New York as a barrier against the march of national troops for the maintenance of the Union. Journals of great influence, notably the New Y
April 1st (search for this): chapter 1
d and insurrectional members of the State,—an unfortunate declaration, which misled European powers as to our system of government. F. W. Newman's Miscellanies, vol. III. p. 196; London Morning Star, May 11, 1869. Seward's character was complex; it is difficult to understand it, and it is possible to misjudge him. At the outset as secretary he opposed the relief of Fort Sumter, and continued to oppose it against the positive opinions of his associates,—Chase, Blair, and Welles. On April 1 he submitted to the President, without the latter's invitation, what is justly called an extraordinary state paper, unlike anything to be found in the political history of the United States. After saying that we are at the end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy, either domestic or foreign, he urged as the ruling idea of a policy at home that we must change the question before the public from one upon slavery, or about slavery, for a question upon union or disunion; and t
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 1
ch a time was a direct encouragement of rebellion. Fortunately for his fame, he ended the year better than he began the session. On the voluntary retirement of three traitors from his Cabinet he called to the vacant places three loyal men,—Edwin M. Stanton, Joseph Holt, and John A. Dix; and from that time they, in conjunction with Black,—now improved in his conception of public duty and constitutional law,—largely directed the President's action. Though from the beginning of the new year to hSumter. The Union was to be maintained not by fencing with propositions, but by the patriotism and endurance of the free States. Sumner during this anxious period conferred often with General Scott and the loyal members of Buchanan's Cabinet-Stanton, Holt, and Dix—in reference to the safety of the capital and measures necessary to secure a regular and peaceable inauguration of President Lincoln. Works, vol. v. pp. 454, 457-459. He was, in frequent letters to Governor Andrew, most urgen
B. F. Butler (search for this): chapter 1
t at an early hour the next morning for Philadelphia, meeting on the way the Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts volunteers. It was, he said, the first regiment of volunteers he had seen; and he was struck by the gayety of soldier life, which overflowed as the train passed. At Baltimore the regiment encountered a secession mob like the one which had hunted the senator, and while fighting its way through the city lost four men killed and thirty-six wounded. Order was restored May 13, when General Butler took military possession of the city. The intelligence of this encounter, April 19, reached Philadelphia before Sumner arrived there. On the night of that day the regiment was quartered at Washington in the Senate chamber. Sumner gave a vivid and detailed account of his experiences in Baltimore in a note to his Works, vol. v. pp. 492-494. On the 21st Sumner visited in New York the armory of the New York Seventh, which had left the preceding afternoon. It was occupied by the Third
April, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1
Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. The secession movement had been definitely planned before the election of Mr. Lincoln, and its leaders were as well satisfied with this result as were his own supporters. They had even connived at it by a division of the Southern vote, so as to make a pretence for revolution. Immediately after the election was made known, they proceeded actively to consummate their purpose in open and secret measures. On December 15 appeared the address of Jefferson Davis, Benjamin, Slidell, Wigfall, and other leaders of secession in Congress, invoking the Southern people to organize a Southern confederacy; avowing that the primary object of each slaveholding State ought to be its speedy and absolute separation from a union with the hostile States. South Carolina took the lead, and seceded five days later, followed the next month by Mississippi, Flor
May 21st, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1
generously that one with Seward's large and varied powers could, if kept under proper control and oversight, be made very useful to the country; and Seward continued to hold his place securely. The secret of the correspondence was well kept, not being revealed during the lifetime of the parties to it. Mr. Lincoln intervened at times to amend by interlineations and erasures the official papers of the Secretary of State, often crude and extravagant,—notably one of the earliest, that of May 21, 1861, to Adams, portions of which, written it is said under irritation, were phrased with an exasperating bluntness, and certain directions were lacking in diplomatic prudence. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IV. pp. 269-277, Sumner was in Washington when this despatch was under consideration, and it is likely that the President advised with him concerning its modification. There was unfortunately in the critical period of 1861-1862 a conviction prevailing in England that Seward
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 1
ted in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letn slave-trade. Works, vol. v. pp. 437-439; Wilson's History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Pobate in the Senate, Feb. 9, 1864, when Sumner, Wilson, and other senators took occasion to reaffirm n a leader in the movement against slavery, Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. i. po as a slave State. Of the different reports, Wilson says in his History: With the exception of theAmong the negative votes were those of Sumner, Wilson, Foot, Trumbull, Wade, Preston King, and Z. Ch12, 1866, in association with his colleague, Mr. Wilson, for the postponement of a tariff for the inrd. Douglas was bitter in the extreme towards Wilson, Fessenden, and Hale; and Wilson in a brief reWilson in a brief reply justly called his speech mischievous, wicked, and unpatriotic. This was the last of his career,ivate land claims and patents. His colleague, Wilson, became chairman of the committee on military [5 more...]
John A. Dix (search for this): chapter 1
led to the vacant places three loyal men,—Edwin M. Stanton, Joseph Holt, and John A. Dix; and from that time they, in conjunction with Black,—now improved in his conilson G. Hunt, and S. J. Tilden took part, an address to the South, drawn by John A. Dix, and resolutions were adopted, in which the right of slaveholders—not to beparty which had been denied its rights under the Constitution. Memoirs of John A. Dix, vol. I. pp. 346-360. Dix and Tilden were Free Soilers in 1848. Dix approvDix and Tilden were Free Soilers in 1848. Dix approved the Crittenden Compromise. Coleman's Life of J. J. Crittenden, vol. II. p. 237. Propositions of compromise were offered in Congress as soon as it met in DecDix approved the Crittenden Compromise. Coleman's Life of J. J. Crittenden, vol. II. p. 237. Propositions of compromise were offered in Congress as soon as it met in December, and committees on the subject were appointed,—one of thirteen in the Senate and another of thirty-three in the House, Thomas Corwin of Ohio being chairman of ith General Scott and the loyal members of Buchanan's Cabinet-Stanton, Holt, and Dix—in reference to the safety of the capital and measures necessary to secure a
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