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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4.

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March 4th (search for this): chapter 1
safe. Do give me some assurance that it is so. At this moment not a letter of our personal liberty law must be touched. If anything is really commanded,—and I insist that it is not,—pray save us from this humiliation, at least till after the 4th of March. Of course, it will be easy for the committee to keep back their report. People here fear compromise. I am anxious; but in my judgment nothing can pass which will really satisfy the seceders. I think we shall be saved. When the cause hasa volume of paper money so restricted that it might ever be interchangeable with gold. Mr. Kelley had probably no evidence of Sumner's views except his public action. Sumner was with the other senators present at Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, March 4. The Senate, meeting the same day to act on the appointments of the new Administration, remained in session till late in the month. Sumner was at the time mentioned for the English mission, and Governor Andrew and other persons of influence de
April 2nd (search for this): chapter 1
eas both of his own relation to events and of the methods by which the Civil War might be averted or speedily ended. His earliest State papers embarrassed the government, and had to be partially withdrawn or explained. His assurances that slavery was not concerned in the conflict will be hereafter referred to; but his theory of the relation of the nation to the States, in which he came very near to Buchanan's, was no less objectionable. He wrote Mr. Adams, our minister at London, April 10, two days before the bombardment of Fort Sumter, that the federal government could not reduce the seceding States to obedience by conquest, and that only an imperial and despotic government could subjugate thoroughly disaffected and insurrectional members of the State,—an unfortunate declaration, which misled European powers as to our system of government. F. W. Newman's Miscellanies, vol. III. p. 196; London Morning Star, May 11, 1869. Seward's character was complex; it is difficult to un
March 10th (search for this): chapter 1
h American Review, July, 1887, p. 78. The appointment was received with general favor. Works, vol. v. pp. 484, 485. He, as well as other Republican senators, now assumed responsibility for public affairs, and their capacity for legislation was to be tested. Hitherto their work had been chiefly one of criticism, obstruction, and protest; it was henceforth to be initiative and practical. Naturally, Sumner was specially concerned for our representation abroad. He wrote to F. W. Bird, March 10:— There is chaos in our foreign system. But it is of incalculable importance that our cause should be represented at every European government with all the character, skill, and persuasion which we can command. But I fear that this exigency is not comprehended. While not making it a rigid rule, Sumner thought it desirable that a minister should be able to speak the language of the country to which he was accredited. He was impatient with two notions which are apt to prevail at
March 27th (search for this): chapter 1
her would be a signal for the abasement of the free States. To John Jay, February 5:— I am filled with grief and oppressed with mortification when I see what is going on [the surrender of principles]. But my faith is yet strong that God will guide us safely to the end, and uphold our cause even when men desert it. To F. W. Ballard, February 9:— I fear nothing now but compromise. The thing I am afraid of is fear, says old Montaigne; and he was very wise. To John Jay, March 27:— Everything tends, as I have foreseen, to a break — up of the Union. But Seward is infatuated; he says in sixty days all will be well. Sumner kept aloof from the debate on the crisis, yielding with some reluctance to the counsels of friends, who thought that if he gave his views his motives would be misconceived, and he would be accused of a purpose to increase the excitement. Notes of an undelivered speech prepared in February show his tone of mind at the time. Works, vol.
April 10th (search for this): chapter 1
antic ideas both of his own relation to events and of the methods by which the Civil War might be averted or speedily ended. His earliest State papers embarrassed the government, and had to be partially withdrawn or explained. His assurances that slavery was not concerned in the conflict will be hereafter referred to; but his theory of the relation of the nation to the States, in which he came very near to Buchanan's, was no less objectionable. He wrote Mr. Adams, our minister at London, April 10, two days before the bombardment of Fort Sumter, that the federal government could not reduce the seceding States to obedience by conquest, and that only an imperial and despotic government could subjugate thoroughly disaffected and insurrectional members of the State,—an unfortunate declaration, which misled European powers as to our system of government. F. W. Newman's Miscellanies, vol. III. p. 196; London Morning Star, May 11, 1869. Seward's character was complex; it is difficul
April 13th (search for this): chapter 1
ul at Cardiff; H. R. Helper, consul at Buenos Ayres; Seth Webb, consul at Port-au-Prince, William S. Thayer, consul in Egypt; and Anson Burlingame, minister to China. His influence secured a place on the Sanitary Commission for Dr. Samuel G. Howe; but though exerted from the beginning, it failed to make him minister to Greece,—a country with which Dr. Howe was identified in his youth. Sumner, as was his habit, lingered at Washington after the close of the session; and he was still there April 13 (the day Fort Sumter was surrendered), and even later, on the 15th, when the President issued his proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand troops. He left the capital on the 18th, and stopped in Baltimore, taking a room at Barnum's Hotel. His presence in the city becoming known, a riotous crowd gathered in search of him; and the proprietor insisted that he should leave at once, as his longer stay would be perilous to his property as well as to the guest. The latter, however, claimi
April 19th (search for this): chapter 1
iment of Massachusetts volunteers. It was, he said, the first regiment of volunteers he had seen; and he was struck by the gayety of soldier life, which overflowed as the train passed. At Baltimore the regiment encountered a secession mob like the one which had hunted the senator, and while fighting its way through the city lost four men killed and thirty-six wounded. Order was restored May 13, when General Butler took military possession of the city. The intelligence of this encounter, April 19, reached Philadelphia before Sumner arrived there. On the night of that day the regiment was quartered at Washington in the Senate chamber. Sumner gave a vivid and detailed account of his experiences in Baltimore in a note to his Works, vol. v. pp. 492-494. On the 21st Sumner visited in New York the armory of the New York Seventh, which had left the preceding afternoon. It was occupied by the Third Battalion of Massachusetts Rifles, commanded by Major Charles Devens (afterwards disti
nown, they proceeded actively to consummate their purpose in open and secret measures. On December 15 appeared the address of Jefferson Davis, Benjamin, Slidell, Wigfall, and other leaders of secession in Congress, invoking the Southern people to organize a Southern confederacy; avowing that the primary object of each slaveholdings from the seceding States, or their refusal to vote. It was supported by Douglas, and by the Democratic and Southern Whig senators, including Mason, Hunter, and Wigfall, who had not yet left the Senate. It was this scheme which received the approval of the city council of Boston and twenty-three thousand petitioners from Massachintment; but he put aside the suggestion peremptorily, preferring his place in the Senate to any other. The Senate listened to the disunion speeches of Clingman, Wigfall, Mason, and Breckinridge, and to speeches hardly less mischievous from Douglas and Bayard. Douglas was bitter in the extreme towards Wilson, Fessenden, and Hale;
re he was. He left at an early hour the next morning for Philadelphia, meeting on the way the Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts volunteers. It was, he said, the first regiment of volunteers he had seen; and he was struck by the gayety of soldier life, which overflowed as the train passed. At Baltimore the regiment encountered a secession mob like the one which had hunted the senator, and while fighting its way through the city lost four men killed and thirty-six wounded. Order was restored May 13, when General Butler took military possession of the city. The intelligence of this encounter, April 19, reached Philadelphia before Sumner arrived there. On the night of that day the regiment was quartered at Washington in the Senate chamber. Sumner gave a vivid and detailed account of his experiences in Baltimore in a note to his Works, vol. v. pp. 492-494. On the 21st Sumner visited in New York the armory of the New York Seventh, which had left the preceding afternoon. It was occup
l in freeing books thirty years old from duty. July 8, 1862; Works, vol. VII. pp. 166-168, June 2 and 6, 1864; Works, vol. VIII. pp. 471-474, June 17, 1864; Works, vol. IX, pp. 28, 29, Feb. 27, 1865; Works, vol. IX. pp. 336-339, Jan. 24, 1867; Works, vol. XI. pp. 83-90, Jan. 30, 31, 1867; Congressional Globe, p. 862, 913, June 30, 1870; Works, vol. XIII. pp. 471-473, March 27, 1872; Works, vol. XV. pp. 61-64; also for free books in foreign languages, Jan. 31, 1867; Globe, p. 914; May 28, Globe, pp. 3957, 3958. He sought to free ornamental trees and shrubs, saying of the trees that we should encourage them all, till Birnam wood do come to Dunsinane. May 27, 1872. Congressional Globe, pp. 3899, 3900. He was always, as he said, for a free list in the tariff as large as possible. March 26, 1872. Congressional Globe. p. 1977. He joined with his colleague Wilson in voting for lower duties on imported wool, Feb. 19, 1861; Congressional Globe, pp. 1026, 1027. He voted,
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