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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4.

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measures of 1850, and especially the Fugitive Slave Act, the immediate and complete repeal of which he had advocated. He stoutly insisted in 1854 that the Nebraska bill should be opposed, not so much as a breach of compact, but rather as the rejection of the Free Soil principle that slavery should be excluded from the Territories by national prohibition. Letter to Sumner, March 17, 1854. He took part in the Free Soil national conventions of 1848 and 1852, and the Republican convention of 1856; and when elected to Congress in 1858, he was understood to hold the most advanced constitutional positions against slavery. He held such positions during the first session of his term; and when he was leaving Boston for Washington in December, 1860, he signified to his friends that he should still maintain them against the expected pressure for compromise. The key to his new departure is most likely to be found in his personal and political intimacy, begun at Washington, with Mr. Seward; a
to remain in the Union against its will; we must not attempt to do this. Whittier's poem (Jan. 16, 1861), A Word for the Hour, is in the same vein. He wrote Sumner, March 13, 1861: The conflicting rumors from Washington trouble me. I am for peace, not by conceding our principles, but by simply telling the slave States go, —border ones and all. I believe in the irrepressible conflict. Wendell Phillips, in a passionate harangue, affirmed the right of the slave States, upon the principles of 1776, to decide the question of a separate government for themselves. April 9, 1861, at New Bedford; Schouler's History of Massachusetts in the Civil War. vol. I. pp. 44-47. Phillips said, I maintain on the principles of ‘76 that Abraham Lincoln has no right to a soldier in Fort Sumter. To apply to him his favorite expression, he remembered to forget the inclusion of this address in his volume of speeches. Thurlow Weed, on the other hand, contemporaneously with Greeley's prompt declaration, p
saying that they were outside of any healthy political organization, to move the new list on which the two parties had agreed. Sumner was made chairman of the committee on foreign relations, taking the place of Mason, who had held the post since 1851. His associates were Collamer, Doolittle, Harris, Douglas, Polk, and Breckinridge. He was also placed on the committees on private land claims and patents. His colleague, Wilson, became chairman of the committee on military affairs. Sumner, exe of absence and the appointment of a substitute, I suggested to the trustees that they must begin to look about for a successor, and mentioned you. I said that if you would consent to take the place, and dedicate to it your great powers, you would make the school a pharos for the blind everywhere. The trustees who were present seemed to receive the suggestion with great interest. If you would make up your mind that the place would be acceptable to you in 1851, I think that you could have it.
ed whenever the pro-slavery power should be overthrown. On this view they acted when they prohibited slavery in all the Territories by the statute which President Lincoln approved June 19, 1862. Mr. Adams supported his propositions and others of the committee of Thirty-three by votes in the House,—some of his colleagues from Massachusetts joining with him, but the greater number separating from him. McPherson's History of the Rebellion, pp. 57-62; Congressional Globe, pp. 1262-1264, 1284, 1285, 1327, 1328, 1330. In the House, John Sherman, Schuyler Colfax, and William Windom voted for the proposed constitutional amendment. John Sherman agreed with Adams as to the admission of New Mexico without the prohibition of slavery. R. H. Dana, Jr., in speeches at Manchester, N. H. (February 19), and Cambridge, Mass. (February 11), took substantially Adams's view. Boston Advertiser, February 20; Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. pp. 252, 253. Governor Andrew is also understood to have
Winthrop,—in denouncing the Compromise measures of 1850, and especially the Fugitive Slave Act, the immediate and complete repeal of which he had advocated. He stoutly insisted in 1854 that the Nebraska bill should be opposed, not so much as a breach of compact, but rather as the rejection of the Free Soil principle that slavery should be excluded from the Territories by national prohibition. Letter to Sumner, March 17, 1854. He took part in the Free Soil national conventions of 1848 and 1852, and the Republican convention of 1856; and when elected to Congress in 1858, he was understood to hold the most advanced constitutional positions against slavery. He held such positions during the first session of his term; and when he was leaving Boston for Washington in December, 1860, he signified to his friends that he should still maintain them against the expected pressure for compromise. The key to his new departure is most likely to be found in his personal and political intimacy,
tariff bill was passed. Sumner made an effort without success to put engravings, paintings, and statuary on the free list, as well as books which had been printed thirty years. He advocated a lower duty on books than the fifteen per cent proposed by the bill, and expressed his preference for admitting all books free. He was opposed by Hale of New Hampshire, Baker of Oregon, and Clingman of North Carolina, but assisted by Douglas. February 18, 19, 20. Congressional Globe, pp. 987, 1030, 1047-1051. He continued while in the Senate, whenever the question came up, to contend for free books and free works of art and free instruments for use in scientific education, and was finally successful in freeing books thirty years old from duty. July 8, 1862; Works, vol. VII. pp. 166-168, June 2 and 6, 1864; Works, vol. VIII. pp. 471-474, June 17, 1864; Works, vol. IX, pp. 28, 29, Feb. 27, 1865; Works, vol. IX. pp. 336-339, Jan. 24, 1867; Works, vol. XI. pp. 83-90, Jan. 30, 31, 1867;
cond only to that of Franklin. Nothing, except one or two formal notes, passed during his absence between him and Sumner, although during the same period the latter's correspondence with the friends of the United States in England was voluminous. After Mr. Adams's return in 1868, they met if at all only casually, neither calling on the other. Mutual respect, however, continued, and each refrained from all public criticism of the other. Both were members of the Saturday Club in the years 1870-1873, and probably met at its monthly dinners; but it is not remembered that they conversed together at these reunion. Both were with the club April 27, 1861, and Oct. 27, 1873. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 365; Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. p. 360. Adams's letter, March 13, 1874, to a Faneuil Hall meeting, contains an appreciative estimate of Sumner. If Adams had been the candidate in 1872 against General Grant, he would have been supported by Sumner with entire cordiality. In 1
only to that of Franklin. Nothing, except one or two formal notes, passed during his absence between him and Sumner, although during the same period the latter's correspondence with the friends of the United States in England was voluminous. After Mr. Adams's return in 1868, they met if at all only casually, neither calling on the other. Mutual respect, however, continued, and each refrained from all public criticism of the other. Both were members of the Saturday Club in the years 1870-1873, and probably met at its monthly dinners; but it is not remembered that they conversed together at these reunion. Both were with the club April 27, 1861, and Oct. 27, 1873. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 365; Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. p. 360. Adams's letter, March 13, 1874, to a Faneuil Hall meeting, contains an appreciative estimate of Sumner. If Adams had been the candidate in 1872 against General Grant, he would have been supported by Sumner with entire cordiality. In 1874 A
als, make no mention of Mr. Adams, and he was equally reserved in conversation. Adams was in a few weeks on his way to England, there to render a diplomatic service to his country second to no other in our history, or second only to that of Franklin. Nothing, except one or two formal notes, passed during his absence between him and Sumner, although during the same period the latter's correspondence with the friends of the United States in England was voluminous. After Mr. Adams's return in 1868, they met if at all only casually, neither calling on the other. Mutual respect, however, continued, and each refrained from all public criticism of the other. Both were members of the Saturday Club in the years 1870-1873, and probably met at its monthly dinners; but it is not remembered that they conversed together at these reunion. Both were with the club April 27, 1861, and Oct. 27, 1873. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 365; Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. p. 360. Adams's letter
orrill tariff bill was passed. Sumner made an effort without success to put engravings, paintings, and statuary on the free list, as well as books which had been printed thirty years. He advocated a lower duty on books than the fifteen per cent proposed by the bill, and expressed his preference for admitting all books free. He was opposed by Hale of New Hampshire, Baker of Oregon, and Clingman of North Carolina, but assisted by Douglas. February 18, 19, 20. Congressional Globe, pp. 987, 1030, 1047-1051. He continued while in the Senate, whenever the question came up, to contend for free books and free works of art and free instruments for use in scientific education, and was finally successful in freeing books thirty years old from duty. July 8, 1862; Works, vol. VII. pp. 166-168, June 2 and 6, 1864; Works, vol. VIII. pp. 471-474, June 17, 1864; Works, vol. IX, pp. 28, 29, Feb. 27, 1865; Works, vol. IX. pp. 336-339, Jan. 24, 1867; Works, vol. XI. pp. 83-90, Jan. 30, 31,
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