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rman treaty. To my mind it is essentially just. Concerning naturalized citizens emigrating from Germany. It embodies the claim originally made by Cass, and for a long time denied by Prussia. His claim represented high-water mark on this question in our country, and now Germany reaches this point. The treaty was carried, after debate, by thirty-nine to eight. The House passed at this session a bill concerning the rights of naturalized citizens. It came up for consideration late in January, and was voted upon April 20, 1868. N. P. Banks, chairman of the committee on foreign affairs, reported it, and led in the debate. He had been a conspicuous Know-Nothing, and was elected to Congress in 1854 by that secret order. He made a speech the next winter in the House in favor of its methods of secrecy and against foreigners and Catholics. Dec. 18, 1854, Congressional Globe, App. p. 48. Sumner had maintained the rights of foreign-born citizens against the Know-Nothing or America
January 13th (search for this): chapter 10
Frelinghuysen, Sherman, and Dixon, though often or generally voting against him on measures which he had greatly at heart, Sumner received most friendly treatment. The impeachment of President Johnson consumed the attention of Congress during the larger part of this session. The House, after refusing, Dec. 7, 1867, by a decisive vote, to order it (the Republicans being divided), voted it, Feb. 24, 1868, by a large majority,—a strict party vote. Between the two votes the Senate voted, January 13, not to concur with the President's suspension of Secretary Stanton, which took place the preceding August; but the president, notwithstanding the refusal to the concur, removed Mr. Stanton, February 21, in violation, as alleged, of the Tenure-of-Office Act. Sumner wrote in pencil, February 2, from his seat to Stanton a note with the single word stick in the body of it, which for a while had currency in political discussions. The note came into the possession of Ben Perley Poore, and w
January 14th (search for this): chapter 10
3394. A passage in Sumner's tribute to Thaddeus Stevens, Dec. 18. 1869. Works, vol. XIII. p. 5, is likely to refer to Conkling Sumner then went on to restate his positions. Conkling did not rise again, and Sumner was sustained on the contested point (not an important one) by a vote of twenty-two to fourteen. the incident is of some importance as bearing on later controversies. Another debate shows Conkling's favorite style, in which his treatment of Sumner was of the same kind. Jan. 14 and 17, Feb. 9, July 4, 1870. Congressional Globe, pp. 459, 506, 1143-1145, 5166. After his failure of election to the Senate, Conkling found that his bullying style did not avail him at the bar of New York city in contests with Joseph H. Choate and other leaders, and his manner sensibly changed for the better. From other senators, like Anthony, Frelinghuysen, Sherman, and Dixon, though often or generally voting against him on measures which he had greatly at heart, Sumner received most f
January 17th (search for this): chapter 10
rote to Dr. Howe, Jan. 1869:— It is difficult to understand the precise position of Crete. Can the late telegraphic news be true? I suspect it as an invention of the Turk. I regret that there is no good sympathetic Russian minister here with whom I could confer. Stoeckl has gone home; and even he was little better than an old Democrat, with a Massachusetts wife steeped in Webster whiggery; so, we fight our great battle generally with little support or sympathy. To Mr. Bright, January 17:— Of course I read carefully all that you say, whether to the public, or better still, to myself. Your last letter was full of interest. All the treaties The Johnson-Clarendon treaties. have been sent to the Senate in copy. They would have been ratified at any time last year almost unanimously. I fear that time will be needed to smooth the way now. Our minister has advertised the questions by his numerous speeches, so that he has provoked the public attention if not opposition
January 19th (search for this): chapter 10
give you a glimpse of floating impressions. All this troubles me. I think that never at any time have I felt so powerless over the question. This may change; but I think time will be needed. You are aware, of course, that the feeling towards Mr. Seward will not help the treaties. At this moment I do not know well enough the views of General Grant, which will necessarily exercise great influence. It is some time since I spoke with him on the subject. He was then very exacting. Tuesday, January 19. I finish this letter at my seat in the Senate. Last evening I met General Grant at dinner, and conversed with him briefly on the new treaties. I would not commit him, and do not think that he has any very precise policy. He did not seem to object to the naturalization and San Juan negotiations, but I think he had a different feeling with regard to the Claims convention. He asked why this could not be allowed to go over to the next Administration? This morning I called up the sub
January 26th (search for this): chapter 10
power which makes it. As a principle of law and justice I cannot see how this can be doubted. Denied or questioned, it must ultimately be adopted as essential to the safeguard of the seas. To what extent it will enter into our settlement I cannot now say. I wish I could write more fully and carefully, and see the future more clearly; but I write as well as I can under pressure and with business going on about me. There are topics in your letter of great interest. To R. H. Dana, Jr., January 26:— The Claims question with England will go over to the next Administration, and will probably become one of the greatest international litigations in history. To Whittier, February 26:— Last evening I received your note, which saddened me. I was sorry to know that you are not well, besides being disappointed in not having you under my roof; the time will come, I trust. I shall write to Emerson, who likes the experience of life, and hope to have him. I am sorry to know that
n, in June. 1871, though not accepting Sumner's invitation to occupy a room at his house, died with him every day, joining him afterwards in his drive, and the next winter was also almost daily at his house. Members of the diplomatic corps were often at his round table. He was catholic in his relations with men, and his guests were of no one political class. Caleb Cushing was perhaps oftener with him than any one, and William Beach Lawrence, whenever he was in Washington, was invited. In February of his first winter in the house, Charles Dickens, whom he had first known in 1842, dined with him in company with Stanton, when one of the topics was the experience of Sumner and Stanton on the night of Mr. Lincoln's assassination. Feb. 2. 1868. Forster's Life of Dickens, vol. III. p 386: Dickens's Letters, vol. II. pp. 407, 410, 411. Mr. Storey's account of the conversation will be found in Chaplin's Life of Sumner, pp 413-416. Ladies were very rarely at his table,—only Mrs. Charles
February 1st (search for this): chapter 10
ain in her effort for liberal institutions, with an appeal for the abolition of slavery; Dec. 17 and 19, 1868 (Congressional Globe, pp. 122,145). He reported against the resolution after the House had added a recognition of the independence of Cuba.-one of Mr. Banks's projects,—March 2 and 3, 1669 (Globe, pp. 1819, 1828, 1864). the maintenance of mixed courts in Africa for the suppression of the slave-trade under the treaty with Great Britain, and the payment of salaries to the judges. Feb. 1, 2, and 3 (Congressional Globe, pp. 765-767, 783-786, 818). The New York World, with reference to this debate, referred, February 5, to his dictatorship in the Senate. He wrote to Dr. Howe, Jan. 1869:— It is difficult to understand the precise position of Crete. Can the late telegraphic news be true? I suspect it as an invention of the Turk. I regret that there is no good sympathetic Russian minister here with whom I could confer. Stoeckl has gone home; and even he was little b
February 2nd (search for this): chapter 10
nsion of Secretary Stanton, which took place the preceding August; but the president, notwithstanding the refusal to the concur, removed Mr. Stanton, February 21, in violation, as alleged, of the Tenure-of-Office Act. Sumner wrote in pencil, February 2, from his seat to Stanton a note with the single word stick in the body of it, which for a while had currency in political discussions. The note came into the possession of Ben Perley Poore, and was sold in 1888 at an auction in Boston to a Ne of Mr. Banks's projects,—March 2 and 3, 1669 (Globe, pp. 1819, 1828, 1864). the maintenance of mixed courts in Africa for the suppression of the slave-trade under the treaty with Great Britain, and the payment of salaries to the judges. Feb. 1, 2, and 3 (Congressional Globe, pp. 765-767, 783-786, 818). The New York World, with reference to this debate, referred, February 5, to his dictatorship in the Senate. He wrote to Dr. Howe, Jan. 1869:— It is difficult to understand the preci
February 3rd (search for this): chapter 10
fort for liberal institutions, with an appeal for the abolition of slavery; Dec. 17 and 19, 1868 (Congressional Globe, pp. 122,145). He reported against the resolution after the House had added a recognition of the independence of Cuba.-one of Mr. Banks's projects,—March 2 and 3, 1669 (Globe, pp. 1819, 1828, 1864). the maintenance of mixed courts in Africa for the suppression of the slave-trade under the treaty with Great Britain, and the payment of salaries to the judges. Feb. 1, 2, and 3 (Congressional Globe, pp. 765-767, 783-786, 818). The New York World, with reference to this debate, referred, February 5, to his dictatorship in the Senate. He wrote to Dr. Howe, Jan. 1869:— It is difficult to understand the precise position of Crete. Can the late telegraphic news be true? I suspect it as an invention of the Turk. I regret that there is no good sympathetic Russian minister here with whom I could confer. Stoeckl has gone home; and even he was little better than a
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