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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. Search the whole document.

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2nd (search for this): chapter 2
up the subject of slavery, telling the President that he was right then in his course, but that he must be ready to strike when the moment came. The time he thought had come when the first considerable conflict of the two forces took place at Bull Run; and he then desired the President at once to take the step openly and irrevocably. What occurred then he stated subsequently as follows:— On the day of the disaster he was with the President twice, but made no suggestion then. On the second day thereafter, when the tidings from all quarters showed that the country was aroused to intense action, he visited the President expressly to urge emancipation. The President received him kindly, and when Mr. Sumner said that he had come to make an important recommendation with regard to the conduct of the war, replied promptly that he was occupied with that very question, and had something new upon it. M. Sumner, thinking that he was anticipated, said, You are going against slavery? Oh,
22nd (search for this): chapter 2
tinted testimony to his sincerity of purpose and to the sureness of his finally acting aright. Letter of Sumner to , June 5. 1862. Works, vol. VII. pp. 116-118. The consummation, however, which Sumner so greatly desired was now near at hand. On July 13 the President revealed to Seward and Welles on a drive that he had about come to the conclusion that the emancipation of the slaves by proclamation was a military necessity absolutely essential for the salvation of the nation. On the 22d he submitted to the Cabinet his draft of a proclamation declaring free, Jan. 1, 1863, slaves held in States persisting in the rebellion; but he yielded then to Seward's point that it would be wise to postpone it till after some military success. Seward's correspondence and other evidence show that he was opposed to the step on other grounds than that of timeliness, and that he was out of sympathy with those who, to quote his own words, had long and importunately clamored for a proclamation
January (search for this): chapter 2
answered from his seat, Oh, no; not at all. Another associate, Dixon of Connecticut, who had no sympathy with his advanced antislavery position, expressing his fear lest the country should become embroiled in difficulties with France by certain proceedings in New Orleans, wrote, Nov. 15, 1862, beseeching Sumner to exert his influence for peace, adding: Your views on foreign affairs are so just and wise that I thank God you are in the influential position you hold in relation to them. In January Sumner moved in the Senate, without the customary reference, the confirmation of Mr. Cameron, then Secretary of War, as minister to Russia, and of E. M. Stanton as his successor in the Cabinet; but the Senate referred the nominations. He supported the former's confirmation in debate against certain charges affecting his official integrity. Mr. Cameron was confirmed, with considerable opposition, however, from Republican senators. Sumner, who had been in close relations with Stanton durin
January 6th (search for this): chapter 2
a traitor, or any criminal whatsoever; nor can any neutral ship be brought in for adjudication on account of having such passenger on board. International Law, § 199. The immediate difficulty was disposed of, and the public anxiety was relieved; but it was very desirable that some one who could speak with authority should put our action on sound principles of international law. No public man at the time was so adapted to this duty by his position and training as Sumner. In moving, January 6, a reference of the President's message and the correspondence on the Trent case, he indicated his purpose to address the Senate, briefly remarking that Great Britain in her reclamation had rejected her own in favor of American precedents. On his motion, the reference was made the special order for the 9th at one o'clock, when he took the floor. The public were deeply interested in the subject. There had been changes of feeling corresponding to the successive phases of the transaction,—
January 28th (search for this): chapter 2
e statement of the American case. Elaborate notes in Sumner's Works (vol. VI. pp. 162-168, 219-242) review the disputes and print extracts from newspapers and correspondence. English opinion was discontented with Sumner's treatment of the English precedents. (London Times, Jan. 25, 1862.) Its contributor, W. V. Harcourt, writing under the pseudonym of Historicus, weakened his argument by personalities, which he modified in a volume published later. Henry Reeve, in a letter to Sumner, January 28, attributed to him a misconception of the English precedents, and claimed that the English position was what Sumner denied it to be in a passage of his speech found in Works, vol. VI. p. 175. A correspondent of the New York Tribune, Jan. 13, 1862, mentions that the foreign ministers at Washington commended Sumner for his tact, and regarded the speech as forming a chapter in the law of nations. Mr. Dana thought the speech the best thing for Sumner's popularity and reputation he had done,
February 1st (search for this): chapter 2
ressing this upon you; it is necessary that your government should be cured of its distrust. Unless this is done, you will continue your preparations, and we shall be kept with your great British sword hanging over us. Meanwhile our efforts against the rebellion will be pressed. For a moment we have been checked by the question with you. So long as that continued unsettled, all our expeditions were held back; now they will start. It is believed that we shall occupy New Orleans by the 1st of February, and also other important places. There must be soon a decisive battle in Kentucky, where the government has an army of one hundred thousand men under an able general. If England and France had not led the rebels to expect foreign sympathy and support, our work would be easily accomplished. Meanwhile the slavery question will be associated more and more with the war. The President now meditates an early message to Congress, proposing to buy the slaves in the still loyal States o
February 4th (search for this): chapter 2
pposition and cold shoulderism) the acknowledgment of the independence of Hayti and Liberia, prevented a long time by the pro-slavery interest, which feared the recognition of States made up of negroes or founded by insurgent slaves. He moved promptly the reference of so much of the President's message as concerned the subject to his committee, and had the papers produced from the files of the Senate. After opposition in the committee, which he was finally able to overcome, he reported, February 4, a bill authorizing the diplomatic representation of our government to those republics, and spoke at length in its favor,—describing the two countries, their history and productions, and maintained their title to recognition. Works, vol. VI. pp. 445-473. Sumner was instructed on Haytian affairs by Benjamin C. Clark, a Boston merchant, consul of Hayti at that port, who died in 1863. The senator received many letters from him during this session. The senator's hearty satisfaction with
February 6th (search for this): chapter 2
on in hearings before committees of the common law rule exempting a witness from testifying if the answer would criminate himself (Jan. 22, 1862, Works, vol. VI. pp 290-292); against a five minutes limit to speeches in secret sessions of the Senate (Jan. 27 and 29, 1862, Works, vol. VI. pp. 293, 294); in favor of having the country represented at the International Exhibition in London, Jan. 31, 1862. Works, vol. VI. pp. 295-292); against regulating Congressional mileage in the army bill (Feb. 6, Works, vol. VI. pp. 299, 300); in favor of an inquiry as to the treatment of Union officers and soldiers killed at Manassas (April 1. 1862, Works, vol. VI. pp. 439-441); and making a report in favor of assisting by a loan Mexico in her resistance to foreign intervention, then threatened by England, France, and Spain (Feb. 19, 1862, Works, vol. VI. pp. 365-375). Other subjects to which he gave attention were claims of consuls for indemnity, the transportation of foreign mails, the proper
February 14th (search for this): chapter 2
fearful of the abuses incident to its exercise, and doubtful whether an exigency justifying a resort to it existed in the present case. He yielded in conclusion to the opinion of Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, that the exigency was imperative, but insisted that a remedy so full of danger must be regarded as a temporary expedient. Feb. 13, 1862. Works, vol. VI. pp. 319-345. The speech was thought to have removed the doubts as to the passage of the bill. (New York Tribune, February 14.) He treated the currency question more fully July 11, 1868. Works, vol. XII. pp. 443-480. He took part in the debate on the expulsion of Polk December 18. Works, vol. VI. pp. 150, 151. He had paired with Polk, March 4, 1861. of Missouri and Bright Jan. 21 and Feb. 4, 1862. Works, vol. VI. pp. 252-289. Bright's offence was the giving of a letter of introduction to Jefferson Davis, March 1, 1861, similar in purport to a letter of Caleb Cushing, which some years later insure
February 18th (search for this): chapter 2
of Fort Sumter, and his resignation when it was decided to send provisions to the garrison, was the underlying motive with senators for excluding him. He was refused a seat, although his right was maintained by the votes of Anthony, Fessenden, and Frelinghuysen. Works, vol. XII. pp. 257-269. of Indiana, both senators being accused of participating in or giving countenance to the rebellion; and also in the debate on the admission of Stark of Oregon, to whom disloyal conduct was imputed. Feb. 18, 26. June 5, 1862. Works, vol. VI. pp. 346-364. He spoke in favor of the title of Lane of Kansas to his seat, maintaining that he had not lost it by accepting what was alleged to be an incompatible office. Jan. 13, 1862. Works, vol. VI. pp. 242-251. The Internal Tax bill was full of novel points, and required the most laborious and minute attention. Sumner intervened with motions, suggestions, and remarks oftener than any senator not on the committee which reported it, and as of
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