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Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ton, commanding at Beaufort, S. C., to enlist slaves, and in January, 1863, gave a similar authority to Governor Sprague of Rhode Island and Governor Andrew of Massachusetts. With the beginning of the new year the enlistment of colored soldiers became the fixed policy of the government. To the same period belong Mr. Lincoln's pro to his country. He remained in the Senate till his death, late in 1872. Among his eulogists none paid to his memory a warmer tribute than his associate from Massachusetts, so often his antagonist, who was soon to follow him. Dec. 18, 1872. Works, vol. XV. pp. 261-265. On that occasion Sumner said:— Time is teacher andurlow Weed, Governor Morgan, and Hiram Barney, besought him to give several addresses in the State of New York; he was asked to preside at the Republican State convention in Massachusetts. These requests were declined, and engagements to deliver a lecture were given up on account of the critical condition of his brother's health
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
obe, pp. 459, 487); but he proposed that our government should offer its good offices to Mexico by way of mediation between the contending parties in that country. April 20, 1867, Works, vol. XI. pp. 354, 355. He was able to hold within safe bounds the Senate, where his personal influence acted directly; and he could also arrest there the inconsiderate measures of the House—a body in which on foreign questions the judgment yields readily to the demand for spirited action. McDougall of California offered resolutions in the Senate in January, 1863, condemning French intervention in Mexico, and requiring the withdrawal of French troops from that country. Sumner opposed them as untimely, and calculated to give aid and comfort to the rebellion. Feb. 3, 1863, Works, vol. VII. pp. 257-261. He thought there was madness in a proposition which openly challenged war with France when all the national energies were needed for the suppression of the rebellion. When that was accomplished,
Rockingham, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ween us, owing to our public calamities, had become a party difference. Thank God! this day has passed. But there is another piece of statesmanship, difficult as any we have had,—to keep from war with England. For success here we must avoid dropping any new ingredients into the cauldron. And this is why I trouble you with my dissent. Suppose the Duc de Noailles, the French ambassador in London, before France acknowledged our Independence, had received the visits of the Marquis of Rockingham, Lord Chatham, Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Wilkes. I can well imagine the anger of George III., who knew little of law or constitution; but I doubt if Lord North would have complained. Of course, in entertaining such relations, the minister exposes himself to the dislike of the government in power; and it will be for him a question of tact and policy to determine how far he can go without impairing the influence which he ought to preserve. But no constitutional government will deny him
West Indies (search for this): chapter 5
They are excellent and admirable, and enter upon the work generously and nobly. They have invited Howe to meet them in New York at once, in order to plan their work. They propose to visit South Carolina and Louisiana, and perhaps also the West Indies. I doubt not that their report will be a contribution to civilization. One of Sumner's greatest public services—and it was an inestimable service—was his constant effort during the Civil War to hold back the Senate from any action likely pected from this statesman. His parliamentary career began with apologies for African slavery, May 17 and June 2, 1833. Address to electors of Newark, Oct. 9, 1832. Smith's Life of W. E. Gladstone, chap. III. and his family interest in a West India plantation made him easily the admirer of Jefferson Davis. Sumner delivered, September 10, an address in New York on Our Foreign Relations, in compliance with an invitation which had been given to him in February. While it was intended to a
Yorkshire (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 5
as necessary to tell them so. Meanwhile our elections are for emancipation and the Union. Our armies are moving slowly,—too slowly; but no reverse can change the inevitable result, which is just as sure as the multiplication table,—how soon, I know not. Whiting has returned to cheer us with good news from England that no more Alabamas will be allowed to make England a naval base. He enjoyed his day with you. But Lord John and the attorney-general Sir Roundell Palmer at Richmond, Yorkshire. Oct. 15, 1863. insist upon defending the concession of belligerency on the ocean to rebel slave-mongers without a prize court. That folly shows that there is more work to be done. We are all agreed against that. Here is the first great offence; Evarts puts this as No. 1. To take back this bloody folly will be bad for your Cabinet; but sooner or later, in some way or other, it must be done. To R. Schleiden, September 14:— Truly, Germany united would be a great power, with a <
Morris Island (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ay be in six or eight weeks; Mr. Chase desired E. L. Pierce in May, 1863, to take a position in the service of his department at the South, in order to assist in organizing Florida as a free State. It was proposed to occupy the State with colored troops,—the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts to be the first to be sent there. The troops were, however, needed elsewhere, and the project was suspended. Mr. Pierce, however, went to the South, as Mr. Chase requested, to await events, and was on Morris Island at the time of the assault on Fort Wagner, July 18, 1863. this will be a controlling precedent); and (3) To insist that there can be no talk of admission into the Union except on the basis of the actual condition at the moment, with slavery abolished by the Proclamation. We fear the Secretary of State may intrigue the other way. The second cause of anxiety is in our relations with England. Your government recklessly and heartlessly seems bent on war. You know how the Democracy, wh
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
e side sought to defy civilization, and claimed welcome on an odious principle for the first time declared as the corner-stone of a government. And our reverses have been misconstrued. They have been the chastisement and expiation imposed by Providence for our crime towards a long-suffering race. Had we succeeded early, we should not have suffered according to our deserts. We must lose other battles, and bury more children; but the result will be attained. The rebels are now famishing, and solicitudes. I fear that Rosecrans has met with a disaster; Near Chattanooga. but you know I have said that I expected defeat, with perhaps the loss of an army. Perhaps this is necessary to bring about the perfect consummation which under Providence is as certain as time. My letters from England yesterday are in better tone than ever. The rains will be stopped, and Lord Russell will be civil. There is softening towards us; but what will Louis Napoleon do? To Mr. Bright, October 6:—
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
He is now in favor of employing colored troops to occupy the posts on the Mississippi River, South Carolina, and the Southern places. To Dr. Howe, December 28:— You will be glad to know thatted sale of colored freedmen by the rebels, Dec. 3, 1862; sale of land in the Sea Islands of South Carolina forfeited for taxes, with reference to the interests of freedmen, Jan. 9 and 26, 1863 (Globe Howe to meet them in New York at once, in order to plan their work. They propose to visit South Carolina and Louisiana, and perhaps also the West Indies. I doubt not that their report will be a coted by a case which occurred at this time. Col. T. G. Stevenson, of Boston, when serving in South Carolina early in 1863, expressed a passionate opinion against the policy of arming negroes, and his ant friend of Theodore Parker. The young man was at the time serving with colored troops in South Carolina, where he enjoyed the confidence of Colonel Shaw and other officers of colored regiments. W
Europe (search for this): chapter 5
in that country were contrary to the traditional idea of our people, which has always been set against the extension of European dominion on this continent. Nevertheless, the burden of a foreign war at this time would have been fatal to the Union cainst any monarchical government erected on the ruins of any republican government in America, under the auspices of any European power. The resolution passed unanimously,— one hundred and nine in the affirmative; and the members were so anxious to ately. There is not one who for a moment thinks of abandoning the contest or who doubts the result. The mistake of European powers has been that they ignored the moral element in this terrible war,—as if there could be neutrality where one sidear. Nobody connected with the government doubts the result if we are left to ourselves; nor, indeed, is it supposed that European interference can do more than make the contest more bloody and bitter. It can have but one end, sooner or later. But
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
proposition became a part of an enrolment act. Nearly a year earlier, May 26, 1862, Sumner offered a resolution looking in the same direction (Works, vol. VII. p. 83); and in his speech at Faneuil Hall, Oct. 6, 1862, he urged the arming of slaves. Works, vol. VII. p. 214. Later in the year he appealed to colored men to enlist. Works, vol. VII. pp. 325, 326. President Lincoln's recommendation of national aid to emancipation in slave States led to a bill granting aid to the State of Missouri, which in its final shape, as it came from the judiciary committee, allowed the alternative of gradual or immediate emancipation. Sumner made a strenuous effort to rid the bill of the principle of gradualism. Feb. 7 and 12, 1863. Works, vol. VII. pp. 266-277. He insisted that a war measure, which the bill was claimed to be, must be instant and not prospective in its operation, and that a gradual war measure was an absurdity in terms. Unless the work was done at once, he saw ahea
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