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C. F. Dunbar (search for this): chapter 6
onfederate war vessel, in the neutral waters of Brazil, by the United States steamer Wachusett. While not justifying the seizure, they were a reply in the nature of an argumentum ad hominem to British criticisms of the transaction, with a treatment of precedents similar to that which he had applied to the Trent case. Boston Advertiser, Nov. 29, 1864, Jan. 17, 1865; Works, vol. IX. pp. 141-173. Other writers who took his view in the discussion were Theophilus Parsons, George Bemis, and C. F. Dunbar; but on the other side were Goldwin Smith and Prof. Henry W. Torrey, —the latter writing with the signature of Privatus. Cobden, in the last letter but one which he wrote to Sumner, objected to his use of England's old doings as an excuse for your present shortcomings; and thought the vessel should have been promptly returned to Brazil. (Morley's Life of Cobden, vol. II. pp. 459, 460.) The vessel went to the bottom in Hampton Roads shortly after in a collision. Our government disavowe
Charles R. Lowell (search for this): chapter 6
ympathies. To Mr. and Mrs. Francis G. Shaw, October 28:— Again you are called to feel the calamity of this war. I sorrow with you most sincerely. There are very few persons of whom I have seen so little who interested me so much as Colonel Lowell. Charles R. Lowell, killed Oct. 20, 1864, in battle in Virginia. He was beautiful in character as in countenance. He is another sacrifice to slavery. When at last our triumph is won, his name must be inscribed on that martyr list, withouCharles R. Lowell, killed Oct. 20, 1864, in battle in Virginia. He was beautiful in character as in countenance. He is another sacrifice to slavery. When at last our triumph is won, his name must be inscribed on that martyr list, without which slavery would have been supreme on the continent. I hope that his widowed wife, your noble daughter, may be comforted. She begins life where others end it; but she has a fountain of precious thoughts forever. Let her know, if you please, how truly I share her affliction
R. Schleiden (search for this): chapter 6
M. Mercier. in which he told me plumply that he thought now as at the beginning that the war must end in separation, and that France was ready at any time to offer her good offices to bring about peace. When he said this I snapped my fingers. But does not this explain the precise policy of the emperor? To Lieber, December 28:— Your German sky lowers with war. Can it be avoided? My letters assure me that Germany at last is a unit, and that it will stand by Schleswig-Holstein. Schleiden, who is very intelligent, is openly for war. He says that the connection of the provinces with Denmark must be cut. This is war. Motley writes from Vienna that in his opinion war is inevitable. Mercier leaves Washington to-day. Inter nos, he will tell the emperor that the Mexican expedition is a mistake, and that he ought to withdraw it; but that the national cause here is hopeless, and that the war will end in separation! This I have from his own lips. To W. E. Gladstone, Jan. 1, 1
Charles E. Norton (search for this): chapter 6
his substitute, which placed it under the treasury department, already charged with the abandoned lands in the insurrectionary districts, which were at the time, or likely to be hereafter, largely occupied by the freedmen. Eliot thought, and so expressed himself in letters to Sumner, that the House bill having passed by a narrow majority should not have been hazarded by amendments in the Senate, and the New York Tribune, April 12, 1864, as well as Sumner's correspondents,—John Jay, Charles E. Norton, John M. Forbes, and E. L. Pierce,—took the same view; but Sumner's reply was that his committee was adverse to the House bill, he being one of the only two members who had sustained it in committee. The Democrats in both Houses were as a body opposed to any bureau, and there was more or less distrust of the measure among Republicans. Horace Greeley wrote Sumner, Feb. 7, 1865, in opposition to the measure. Sumner pressed it with his characteristic pertinacity, and it was carried, Ju
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 6
u, and there was more or less distrust of the measure among Republicans. Horace Greeley wrote Sumner, Feb. 7, 1865, in opposition to the measure. Sumner pressed it as the national election approached, were dissatisfied with his candidacy. Greeley's American Conflict, vol. II. p. 655; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Powublican convention, which was advocated in the New York Evening Post Both Mr. Greeley and Mr. Bryant joined with a committee to request the Republican national co. D. Kelley as supporting the principles of the party rather than Mr. Lincoln. Greeley thought Mr. Lincoln already beaten, and that another ticket was necessary to sthe position of Senator Collamer and John Jay. With Sumner, as with Bryant and Greeley and all other patriotic men, the question was settled by the Chicago treason. er, Mr. Lincoln's honest critics became his sincere eulogists,—notably Bryant, Greeley, Bancroft, Andrew, and Sumner. Sumner read to the writer, in May, 1865, at
W. D. Kelley (search for this): chapter 6
xtract from his letter is given. This is corroborated by his letter written after Mr. Lincoln's death. J. W. Grimes's Life, p. 279. Governor Andrew of Massachusetts, foremost among war governors, who had occasion to seek Mr. Lincoln from time to time on public business, was very active in the movement to displace him. P. W. Chandler's Memoir and Reminiscences of Governor Andrew, pp. 111-114. Gurowski in his diary, vol. III. pp. 69, 91, 358, names also Boutwell, Trumbull, Wilson, and W. D. Kelley as supporting the principles of the party rather than Mr. Lincoln. Greeley thought Mr. Lincoln already beaten, and that another ticket was necessary to save the cause from utter overthrow, naming three generals from whom a choice might be made,—Grant, Sherman, and Butler. Among others active in the movement were Richard Smith, the veteran editor, and Whitelaw Reid, both of Cincinnati. A large number of letters of public men written at the time to John Austin Stevens, and published in
Auguste Laugel (search for this): chapter 6
ed in the Scotsman, Jan. 7, 1865. Both Sumner and Lord Airlie were annoyed by the publication. Lord Airlie and his brother-in-law, E. Lyulph Stanley, who visited this country the same season, brought letters to Sumner from the Duchess of Argyll. He attended the Saturday Club dinners, at one of which as a guest was Chase, just resigned from the Cabinet, and on his way to the White Mountains. William Curtis Noyes was another guest. He dined with J. B. Smith when the latter entertained Auguste Laugel; he dined often at Mr. Hooper's, took tea at Mrs. J. E. Lodge's, and passed an evening at James T. Fields's. He began sittings with Milmore for his bust, which was finished late in the next year. In the autumn, as before, his visits to Longfellow at Cambridge were frequent. Robert Ferguson, an Englishman, in his book, America during and after the War (p. 32), quoted in Longfellow's Life (vol. II. pp. 414, 415), wrote his recollections of Craigie House: Sumner, with the poet's little
William Claflin (search for this): chapter 6
d Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 339-342.) A resolution of the Republican national convention was intended to call for a change in his case as well as Seward's. (New York Independent, June 20.) The President, in January, 1865, informed William Claflin, who had in 1864, as an active member of the Republican national committee, come into intimate relations with him, of his purpose to make a change in the office of Secretary of State during the coming summer. Governor Claflin, some years afGovernor Claflin, some years afterwards, gave an account of this conversation with Mr. Lincoln at a dinner of the Massachusetts Club in Boston. and particularly of Seward, in his Cabinet, weakened his position with that large body of loyal men who insisted on a direct and aggressive policy against slavery; and finally his treatment of reconstruction brought him into collision not only with radical leaders, but with wise and conservative men, who believed that it was a subject which belonged to Congress, and could not be safel
John Bright (search for this): chapter 6
.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. The following extracts are given from letters written by Sumner early in the session which began in December, 1863:— To Mr. Bright, December 15:— I have just received the Manchester Examiner, containing the speeches at Rochdale, By Cobden and Bright. which I have read gratefully and admiringly. Cobden's positive testimony must tell for us; and let me add that I like him the better the nearer he gets to the position that recognition is a moral impossibility. If this were authoritatively declared, the case would soon be closed. It is because the gate is still left open that the public is
George Bemis (search for this): chapter 6
le! But how great and glorious will be this country when it is fully redeemed, and stands before the world without a slave,—an example of emancipation! To George Bemis, December 18:— I have received a visit of three hours from the French Minister, M. Mercier. in which he told me plumply that he thought now as at the ston, who gave Story the commission, did not raise the necessary funds; but the statue was in 1878 placed in Sanders Theatre at Cambridge, through a bequest of George Bemis. is not on its way to a pedestal. It ought to be set up while the hero yet continues among us. . . . Shortly before leaving home I walked through the grounds e. Boston Advertiser, Nov. 29, 1864, Jan. 17, 1865; Works, vol. IX. pp. 141-173. Other writers who took his view in the discussion were Theophilus Parsons, George Bemis, and C. F. Dunbar; but on the other side were Goldwin Smith and Prof. Henry W. Torrey, —the latter writing with the signature of Privatus. Cobden, in the last<
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