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Somerset, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
anied by an elaborate argument against the constitutionality, of the fugitiveslave legislation of Congress. Feb. 29, 1864: Works, vol. VIII. pp. 118-175. Sumner took the radical ground in the report that the clause in the Constitution relating to persons held to service or labor did not apply to fugitive slaves. (Ante, p. 392.) Lieber questioned in a letter this peculiar interpretation, and Sumner replied to him at length, March 14 and 17, 1864, maintaining that on the principle of the Somerset case slavery was so odious and contrary to natural right that it could not be legalized or recognized by inference or indirect language. The bill encountered not only Democratic opposition, led by Buckalew, Hendricks, and Reverdy Johnson, but also resistance from a number of Republican senators, led by Sherman and Foster, who sought to save the statute of 1793. Sherman's amendment, excluding this early statute from repeal,—legislation which in his view was constitutional and preserving the
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
ny way be distinguished from this crime, then it might have a chance of success. But I do not believe, I cannot believe, that in this nineteenth century a just Providence will allow such a crime to flourish, or will continue to it the favor of foreign powers. No reverse of arms, no failure or national misfortune, can shake this and is passing away. God be praised! I know not when this war will end; but I have long seen that it can end only in one way. It cannot be in the order of Providence that African slavery, rebel and belligerent, drenched with slaughter and smeared with blood, shall be welcomed and embraced by any civilized power, least of allimes that our burden has been so much increased by misunderstanding abroad, but always taking counsel of my hopes, of the lessons of justice, and of the ways of Providence to man. There is a day sure to come which must make you happy and triumphant; it is when African slavery is extinguished. Then at last shall we be of one mind.
Newport (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
the individual or sectional claims of candidates. No urgency of persuasion would have moved him to leave his seat in the Senate in order to attend a national political convention. Sumner arrived at home, July 17. He passed a week early in August with Longfellow at Nahant, where the air, the breeze, the sea were kindly, and where on the piazza they read together Tennyson's last volume, Enoch Arden, enjoying it more than air or breeze or sea. Later in the month he was for a few days at Newport. At a dinner at William Beach Lawrence's he met Lord Airlie, who recorded in his diary Sumner's remarks on the speeches of English statesmen, our Civil War, and other topics,—extracts from which, without Lord Airlie's authority, appeared in the Scotsman, Jan. 7, 1865. Both Sumner and Lord Airlie were annoyed by the publication. Lord Airlie and his brother-in-law, E. Lyulph Stanley, who visited this country the same season, brought letters to Sumner from the Duchess of Argyll. He attend
Milford (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
incident of this address was a contrast between the mission of the Mayflower bound for Plymouth and that of the first slave-ship bound for Jamestown, This contrast appears in an earlier address, September 18, 1860. Works, vol. v. pp, 276-279. with an exposure of the pretension that Virginia was ennobled in her origin by cavalier colonists. He spoke in certain towns in Massachusetts, and also in Hartford and New London, Conn., where Mr. Winthrop made an address for McClellan, and in Newark, N. J.; but he declined calls from other States. The spirit and tone of his speeches in the autumn are indicated in these extracts from his letters to F. W. Ballard:— October 25: If I speak, it will be to put the cause of liberty for our country and all mankind in a new light, so that the pettifoggers and compromisers shall be silenced. November 2:I had last night [at New London] the largest audience known here of voters—ladies excluded to make room. My aim is to exhibit the grandeur
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
he question was settled by the Chicago treason. The fear of an adverse decision of the people in November, felt by Mr. Lincoln himself as well as by others, vanished with the victories of our army in Georgia, which culminated in the evacuation of Atlanta by the rebels on the night of the day of McClellan's nomination. Mr. Lincoln carried the electoral vote of all the States except three,—Delaware, Kentucky, and New Jersey; but McClellan's vote was very large in some States, as New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. It is curious to observe how in a few months, when death had set its seal on a great character, Mr. Lincoln's honest critics became his sincere eulogists,—notably Bryant, Greeley, Bancroft, Andrew, and Sumner. Sumner read to the writer, in May, 1865, at his mother's house in Boston, some parts of his eulogy on Lincoln as he was preparing it. When reminded that he had sometimes spoken of the President in a different tone, he answered: Well, Mr. Lincoln was indeed the author
Portland (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
as closed by Sherman, who recalled the Senate to the question before it. Other encounters of the kind were in store, and the two senators,—both important to the public service, and of equal integrity and patriotism,—were not to be in cordial relations for some years. July 3, 5, 10, 1837. Works, vol. XI. pp. 369-396. Mutual respect, however, remained; and neither, it is believed, would have wished at any time to see the other dropped from public life. The writer passed two days in Portland, Me., in the summer of 1864, most of the time with Fessenden (then having Mr. Chase as his guest), and they spoke freely of Sumner, to whom Fessenden referred with entire respect. In the end their reconcilement was complete. In his later days Fessenden used to say to his neighbors in Portland that at first he misconceived Sumner, supposing him to be a mere idealist and theorist, but had afterwards found him to be a public man of various ability. In his last illness, hearing a report, whic
Quiquechan River (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
ition of the Women's National League, with one hundred thousand signatures, praying for an Act of Congress emancipating all persons of African descent in the United States, and he commended it in brief remarks. Feb. 9, 1864. Works, vol. VIII. pp. 80-83. A constitutional prohibition, however, could be the only sure method which would secure the end. On his way to Washington in December, when the session was about to begin, Sumner sketched to Henry C. Wright, a fellow-passenger between Fall River and New York, the form of a petition for an amendment of the Constitution declaring that slavery shall be forever prohibited within the limits of the United States. Two days later, Mr. Wright procured its adoption at a meeting of the American Antislavery Society in Philadelphia, and this is supposed to have been the first public movement for the thirteenth amendment. Works, vol. VIII. p. 351. H. C. Wright's letter to Sumner in manuscript, May 17, 1866. Early in the session resolut
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
lude the colored people among the electors of the city of Washington; but the Senate was deaf to his entreaties, even rejecting the inclusion of colored soldiers. May 12, 26, 27, 28, 1864. Works, vol. VIII. pp. 458-469. Those like Morrill of Maine, Grimes, and Wade, who thought the proposition untimely, and those who were opposed to it altogether, made the majority. His own colleague was among those whom he could not persuade. Sumner, in protesting against the exclusion of the colored pean intruder when he ventured into the field of finance. He was impatient, as senators are apt to be, with outsiders who take up their specialties; and his treatment of Chandler in the debate drew from the latter the retort that the senator from Maine had lectured the body about enough. Next he took Sumner to task for superfluous comments on a celebrated law case, for his style, particularly in the resort to poetry for illustrations, and for want of practical knowledge. Sumner tried to avoid
Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
tee of conference, of which Sumner was a member, reported a bill creating an independent department of freedmen and abandoned lands. This passed the House, but Sumner was unable to carry it in the Senate, where Hale of New Hampshire and Lane of Indiana now joined Grimes in opposition. On the last day of the session another committee of conference agreed on a bill which placed the bureau in the war department, limited its term to one year after the war, and reduced its scope. In this form itterference was essential to the working of the new system and to the support of the public credit at a critical period. His amendment It was drawn by Mr. Chase. was lost; but he was supported by Chandler of Michigan, Conness, Howard, Lane of Indiana, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Wilkinson, and Wilson. Sumner received unstinted praise from Chandler, a banker by profession, who testified in debate to the debt of gratitude which the country owed to the senator from Massachusetts for his
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 6
to yourself, and which can have no better successor in the long hereafter. The part you have taken in consummating those great Congressional measures,—the recognition of the independence of Hayti and Liberia, the anti-slave-trade treaty with Great Britain, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the consecration of all the Territories to freedom, the enrolment of negro soldiers for the suppression of the rebellion, the repeal of the fugitive-slave bill, etc.,—has been as importanional tribunals,— Meanwhile I keep Mexico in my committee, where I have the Arguelles case Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 44-47. and a joint resolution from the House of Representatives terminating the convention with Great Britain limiting ships and navy yards on the lakes. The latter if passed would be the first notice to England that war must come. I am not ready for any such step now. There is a dementia to adjourn and go home. To the Duchess of Argyll, July <
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