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Lyman Trumbull (search for this): chapter 6
debate, replying to Reverdy Johnson. Sherman and Trumbull, wishing to keep legislative matter off the approp fourteen to sixteen,—Foster, Grimes, Sherman, and Trumbull voting nay; but moved again by Sumner on the same f the railway would be subjected. Sumner reminded Trumbull that the argument of supererogation had not bound Foster and Sherman now joined him, and Grimes and Trumbull did not vote. A few days later he carried a gener chief desire that prompt action should be taken. Trumbull, adopting the formula of the Ordinance of 1787, rehall not exist anywhere within the United States. Trumbull could not see why Sumner should be so pertinaciousmore French than American. Sumner, on appeal from Trumbull, withdrew his proposition, though afterwards regreFessenden's temper was disturbed by ill-health. Trumbull once told Fessenden that his ill-temper had left h, vol. III. pp. 69, 91, 358, names also Boutwell, Trumbull, Wilson, and W. D. Kelley as supporting the princi
E. L. Pierce (search for this): chapter 6
er the treasury department, already charged with the abandoned lands in the insurrectionary districts, which were at the time, or likely to be hereafter, largely occupied by the freedmen. Eliot thought, and so expressed himself in letters to Sumner, that the House bill having passed by a narrow majority should not have been hazarded by amendments in the Senate, and the New York Tribune, April 12, 1864, as well as Sumner's correspondents,—John Jay, Charles E. Norton, John M. Forbes, and E. L. Pierce,—took the same view; but Sumner's reply was that his committee was adverse to the House bill, he being one of the only two members who had sustained it in committee. The Democrats in both Houses were as a body opposed to any bureau, and there was more or less distrust of the measure among Republicans. Horace Greeley wrote Sumner, Feb. 7, 1865, in opposition to the measure. Sumner pressed it with his characteristic pertinacity, and it was carried, June 28, by a vote of twenty-one to nin
Minister, M. Mercier. in which he told me plumply that he thought now as at the beginning that the war must end in separation, and that France was ready at any time to offer her good offices to bring about peace. When he said this I snapped my fingers. But does not this explain the precise policy of the emperor? To Lieber, December 28:— Your German sky lowers with war. Can it be avoided? My letters assure me that Germany at last is a unit, and that it will stand by Schleswig-Holstein. Schleiden, who is very intelligent, is openly for war. He says that the connection of the provinces with Denmark must be cut. This is war. Motley writes from Vienna that in his opinion war is inevitable. Mercier leaves Washington to-day. Inter nos, he will tell the emperor that the Mexican expedition is a mistake, and that he ought to withdraw it; but that the national cause here is hopeless, and that the war will end in separation! This I have from his own lips. To W. E. Gladstone
James W. Grimes (search for this): chapter 6
f Republican absentees. Among those not voting was Grimes, whose argument implied distrust of the scheme in an. He and Sumner had many spirited encounters, and Grimes's temper and manner at times reminded spectators thale of New Hampshire and Lane of Indiana now joined Grimes in opposition. On the last day of the session anot rejected, June 21, by fourteen to sixteen,—Foster, Grimes, Sherman, and Trumbull voting nay; but moved again publican senators—Trumbull, Sherman, Doolittle, and Grimes, as well as Reverdy Johnson—contended that an expreeady law under a true view of the Constitution. To Grimes, now prone to oppose what Sumner urged, who asked w against it. Foster and Sherman now joined him, and Grimes and Trumbull did not vote. A few days later he carl. VIII. pp. 458-469. Those like Morrill of Maine, Grimes, and Wade, who thought the proposition untimely, any his letter written after Mr. Lincoln's death. J. W. Grimes's Life, p. 279. Governor Andrew of Massachusetts<
Martin Milmore (search for this): chapter 6
tanley, who visited this country the same season, brought letters to Sumner from the Duchess of Argyll. He attended the Saturday Club dinners, at one of which as a guest was Chase, just resigned from the Cabinet, and on his way to the White Mountains. William Curtis Noyes was another guest. He dined with J. B. Smith when the latter entertained Auguste Laugel; he dined often at Mr. Hooper's, took tea at Mrs. J. E. Lodge's, and passed an evening at James T. Fields's. He began sittings with Milmore for his bust, which was finished late in the next year. In the autumn, as before, his visits to Longfellow at Cambridge were frequent. Robert Ferguson, an Englishman, in his book, America during and after the War (p. 32), quoted in Longfellow's Life (vol. II. pp. 414, 415), wrote his recollections of Craigie House: Sumner, with the poet's little daughter nestling in his lap,—for he is a man to whom all children come,—calmly discussing some question of European literature, seeming to fe
Nathaniel P. Banks (search for this): chapter 6
tor were supreme above all other things, so that temptation of all kinds should be trampled under foot, it is now. He wrote to Lieber, May 4:— I think that Banks's military character has suffered very much, hardly more than he has suffered as a statesman by his proceedings for reconstruction. In Louisiana, under Mr. Lincn. The sentiment in Louisiana among the earnest antislavery men is very strong for Butler. The President some time ago sent for me to show me private letters from Banks on reconstruction; but I have not exchanged a word with him on Banks's military character, and considering that he is a Massachusetts man, I do not wish to interfeBanks's military character, and considering that he is a Massachusetts man, I do not wish to interfere against him. For the present I stand aloof. . . . Tell me what you think of our duty now with regard to Mexico and France. You notice that the House resolution Ante, p. 119. Lieber's Life and Letters, p. 346. has already caused an echo in Europe. I have kept it carefully in my committee room, where it still sleeps. My idea h
Thomas Corwin (search for this): chapter 6
Godwin of the Evening Post, William Curtis Noyes, Henry Winter Davis, Dr. Lieber, Lieber wrote Sumner, September 16, that he wished Lincoln could know that the people were to vote not for him but against McClellan. and twenty or more besides. It was agreed that a committee should request Mr. Lincoln to withdraw, and Grant was the name which found most favor as a substitute. Lieber to Sumner, August 15. According to Lieber, Davis stated at the conference that Mr. Lincoln had said in Corwin's presence that he should be beaten unless victories intervened. At this time Mr. Lincoln himself faced defeat as altogether probable. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 249-251. The disaffection which then seemed so serious disappeared, however, immediately after the Democratic nomination of McClellan, August 31, at Chicago, upon a platform which declared the war to be four years of failure, and called for a cessation of hostilities. Sumner shared in the opinion of Mr. L
John C. Fremont (search for this): chapter 6
ly intrusted to the exclusive discretion of the Executive. In January, 1864, there was a conference in Washington of members of Congress and citizens from different parts of the country to consult upon the nomination of Mr. Lincoln's successor, in which Mr. Chase appeared to be the favorite candidate. Two months later, March 10, Mr. Pomeroy, senator from Kansas, explained this movement in the Senate, and avowed his connection with it. Mr. Chase's candidacy, as well as the nomination of Fremont at Cleveland, came to no result; but the discontent remained during the summer, showing itself sometimes in a call for another candidate (as in the New York Tribune), or in a proposition, with a view to another candidate, for a postponement of the Republican convention, which was advocated in the New York Evening Post Both Mr. Greeley and Mr. Bryant joined with a committee to request the Republican national committee to postpone the convention. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. I
every word which helps the removal of slavery, or which shows that this end is sincerely sought, I was glad to hear through an admirable friend The Duchess of Argyll. that you still thought kindly of me, and had not allowed the perplexities of an unparalleled contest to weaken your interest in the cause of the slave. I have a would be the first notice to England that war must come. I am not ready for any such step now. There is a dementia to adjourn and go home. To the Duchess of Argyll, July 4:— Congress will disperse to-day, having done several good things: (1) All fugitive-slave acts have been repealed; (2) All acts sustaining the traffiy the publication. Lord Airlie and his brother-in-law, E. Lyulph Stanley, who visited this country the same season, brought letters to Sumner from the Duchess of Argyll. He attended the Saturday Club dinners, at one of which as a guest was Chase, just resigned from the Cabinet, and on his way to the White Mountains. William Cu
Ulysses S. Grant (search for this): chapter 6
are preparing their huts for winter quarters. But I learn that General Grant will not go into winter quarters; he means to trouble the rebelt giving it time to rest. Sumner wrote to Lieber, Dec. 28, 1863: Grant will continue active; he has a military genius. This is more practice of the future gives calmness. Some who come direct from General Grant declare that the war can be ended on the 4th July next. For myf the national government. The President, on his return from General Grant's headquarters, told me that the general, who is a man of very s say, it may require a long summer's day. The President describes Grant as full of confidence, and as wanting nothing. His terrible lossesagreed that a committee should request Mr. Lincoln to withdraw, and Grant was the name which found most favor as a substitute. Lieber to St has been acting in self-defence against belligerent slavery. General Grant is confident that he shall take Richmond, and he is no boaster.
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