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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. Search the whole document.

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u a thousand times for your indomitable resistance to the admission of Louisiana, with her caste system! This afternoon some forty gentlemen dined at Bird's room, A Republican club, composed mostly of radical antislavery men, which dined on Saturdays in Boston. and all, nemine dissentiente, approved it, and with full praise. Frederick Douglass wrote from Rochester, April 29:— The friends of freedom all over the country have looked to you and confided in you, of all men in the United iss Harlan, Mr. and Mrs. James Speed, and Judge Otto. At Fort Monroe, in the night or early morning, they heard by telegraph of Mr. Seward's serious injury received in a fall from his carriage. At City Point, where they arrived about noon on the 6th, they found Mr. Lincoln. This was the day when the President wrote to General Weitzel, and sent a despatch to General Grant concerning the Virginia Legislature. (Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. x. pp. 222-228.) His action in authorizi
also from memory some lines from Longfellow's Resignation. Mrs. Lincoln's letter to Sumner, July 5, 1865 (manuscript). It was probably the same day that Sumner asked him if he had ever had any doubt about his declaration made in 1858, when he opened his campaign with Douglas,—A house divided against itself cannot stand; and he answered, Not in the least; it was clearly true, and time has justified me. Works, vol. IX. p 379. The party arrived in Washington at six P. M., Sunday, the 9th, and the President at once sought Mr. Seward, who had been kept in bed by his injury. It is not certain that Sumner saw the President again until he stood at his bedside on the night of the 14th. On the 10th a message from the White House, accompanied with a bunch of flowers, communicated to Sumner the surrender of Lee's army. On Tuesday evening, the 11th, the city was illuminated in honor of the final victory. A note from Mrs. Lincoln invited Sumner to come to the White House, bringing
his declaration made in 1858, when he opened his campaign with Douglas,—A house divided against itself cannot stand; and he answered, Not in the least; it was clearly true, and time has justified me. Works, vol. IX. p 379. The party arrived in Washington at six P. M., Sunday, the 9th, and the President at once sought Mr. Seward, who had been kept in bed by his injury. It is not certain that Sumner saw the President again until he stood at his bedside on the night of the 14th. On the 10th a message from the White House, accompanied with a bunch of flowers, communicated to Sumner the surrender of Lee's army. On Tuesday evening, the 11th, the city was illuminated in honor of the final victory. A note from Mrs. Lincoln invited Sumner to come to the White House, bringing his friend the marquis to witness the spectacle, and mentioned that a little speech from Mr. Lincoln was expected. The Marquis de Chambrun's Personal Recollections of Lincoln and Sumner, particularly in the
it was clearly true, and time has justified me. Works, vol. IX. p 379. The party arrived in Washington at six P. M., Sunday, the 9th, and the President at once sought Mr. Seward, who had been kept in bed by his injury. It is not certain that Sumner saw the President again until he stood at his bedside on the night of the 14th. On the 10th a message from the White House, accompanied with a bunch of flowers, communicated to Sumner the surrender of Lee's army. On Tuesday evening, the 11th, the city was illuminated in honor of the final victory. A note from Mrs. Lincoln invited Sumner to come to the White House, bringing his friend the marquis to witness the spectacle, and mentioned that a little speech from Mr. Lincoln was expected. The Marquis de Chambrun's Personal Recollections of Lincoln and Sumner, particularly in the visit to Richmond, have been published posthumously in Scribner's Magazine for January and February, 1893, since these pages were in type. While the m
e B. Loring, who had heard the speech, called on Sumner the next morning and found him much grieved by it. He wrote at once to Lieber: The President's speech and other things augur confusion and uncertainty in the future, with hot controversy. Alas! alas! Mrs. Lincoln invited Sumner to witness from the White House, on Thursday evening, the illuminations, in company with General Grant, who was expected to arrive that evening; but it is not known that he accepted. The next day (Friday, the 14th, ever memorable in American annals), at a meeting of the Cabinet, the President resumed the question of reconstruction, repeating the views he had already expressed, mentioning Sumner's opposite view, and adjourning the discussion to a day of the next week, when he was not to meet them. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. x, pp. 282-285; G. Welles in The Galaxy, April, 1872, p. 526. Speed, the attorney-general, reported to Chief-Justice Chase that the President came nearer at this mee
rn and haggard over his untasted breakfast, but steady in mind and unshaken in courage, as he contemplated the rebellion defeated and degraded to assassination. Sumner chafed under the presence of the guard, which he thought useless; but Stanton decided it to be a necessary precaution. Lieber, in a letter, April 23, enjoined on Sumner to be careful, believing him to be one of those who had been spotted. The senators and representatives who were in Washington met at noon on Monday, the 17th, and after the choice of a chairman and secretary, and a statement by Senator Foot of Vermont, Sumner moved a committee of five to report at four in the afternoon the action proper for the meeting. The committee (Sumner chairman) reported a list of pall-bearers, and a committee of one from each State to accompany the remains to Illinois, and resolutions, and the report was agreed to without dissent. The resolutions (drawn by Sumner), confessing the dependence of those present upon Almighty
latter repelled with emphasis, declaring that he had given that measure his most ardent support. The Senate voted to take up the resolution; and Sumner moved a substitute, forbidding elections in any insurgent State until the President by proclamation shall have declared that armed hostility within it had ceased, and Congress shall have declared it entitled to representation; but it obtained only eight votes—those of Brown, Conness, Grimes, Howard, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, and Wade. On the 24th Sumner renewed his effort to displace the resolution with other business, but not with success. When asked not to waste time, and senators said from their seats, Give up! he replied, That is not my habit. Conness said, We know that, and there was laughter. The debate proceeded. Powell of Kentucky, from a Southern standpoint, opposed the resolution. A motion from Chandler to take up another bill, which was lost, called from Sumner the remark, The measure that the senator from Michigan ha
e States, to join hands with the Senator from Kentucky in undertaking to prevent the recognition of the free State of Louisiana. Henderson, speaking in irony, thought that the rebellion was about at an end, in view of the close alliance and affiliation of the senators from Massachusetts and Kentucky, and that the lion and the lamb had lain down together. He reviewed at length the proceedings in Louisiana, and supported the resolution. When the resolution came up at noon on Saturday, the 25th, Sumner sent to the chair, as a substitute, a series of propositions affirming the duty of the United States by Act of Congress to re-establish republican governments in place of those vacated by the rebellion—denying that the power could be intrusted to any military commander or executive officer, and declaring that such new governments should not be founded on an oligarchical class, with the disfranchisement of loyal people, and that the cause of human rights and of the Union needed the bal
rom the committee on the judiciary, recognizing as the legitimate government of Louisiana the one formed under Mr. Lincoln's direction and supervision. During the session Ashley's reconstruction bill, in different forms, was before the House (January 16, February 21 and 22), but it came to no result. Each draft confined suffrage to white male citizens, except that in one colored soldiers were admitted to suffrage. Ashley was himself against this discrimination on account of race, but his cd the counting of the electoral votes of Louisiana, as well as of the other States in rebellion. His change of front was referred to in the debate. Trumbull had conferred personally with the President on the proceedings in Louisiana early in January. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. p. 453. The other Republican senators, who joined in resisting the recognition of Louisiana, put their opposition on the ground of the initiation of the government by executive and military orders,
January 18th (search for this): chapter 7
The President had set his heart on the project, and was sorely disappointed at its failure. To friends, and even to strangers, he talked freely of Sumner's course, and some thought that the relations of confidence between them heretofore would now end; but those who thought thus did not understand Mr. Lincoln's largeness of soul. He was tolerant; and while tenacious of his rights as President, he respected the rights of a senator. Works, vol. IX. p. 324. He is reported to have said, January 18, before the debate came on: I can do nothing with Mr. Sumner in these matters. While Mr. Sumner is very cordial with me, he is making his history in an issue with me on this very point. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. x. p. 85. Besides, Sumner, while maintaining the sole right of Congress to initiate reconstruction, had avoided all direct reflection on the President's action. In the few weeks of life which remained to him, Mr. Lincoln bestowed more tokens of good — will on Sumn
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