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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans). Search the whole document.

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... 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83
19th (search for this): chapter 6
e excitement was increased in consequence of the position taken by Maryland that the United States ought not to use that State in conveying armed men to invade Virginia. Governor Hicks had consented to ask the administration to respect the wishes of Maryland to have no Federal troops sent over its territory to invade Virginia, and on April 16th Mr. George P. Kane telegraphed to know whether an attempt would be made to pass volunteers from New York intended to make war upon the South. On the 19th General Thomas, adjutant-general, wired that Governor Hicks has neither right nor authority to stop troops coming to Washington. Send them on prepared to fight their way through if necessary, which message was sent by order of the Secretary of war. The military department of Washington was at once extended over Maryland, Delaware and Pennsylvania, by General Scott, and posts were ordered to be established all along the road from Wilmington, Delaware, to Washington City. Citizens of Baltim
17th (search for this): chapter 6
he disunion sentiment. Another bill proposed to abolish the ports of entry on the Southern coast, and was resented as an attempt to coerce the South by congressional legislation against the commerce of the South. Mr. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, offered amendments to the Constitution providing for election of the president, vice-president, and senators by the people, and to select Supreme Court judges equally from the North and the South. The Kentucky legislature having assembled on the 17th, adopted the Virginia resolutions, resolved to resist the invasion of the South, but urged the Southern States to arrest the progressing revolution. The legislature declined to call a convention but advised the holding of a national convention to pass resolutions, amending the Constitution. The Missouri legislature passed a bill calling a convention and other measures looking to secession. The governor of North Carolina opened correspondence with President Buchanan on the 8th, involving th
January 1st, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 6
through Confederate losses. This, however, was not the only disparity between the two armies. Perhaps no armies had been so well equipped as those which Grant commanded in his advance on Richmond during 1864, but the preparation for the final assault in 1865 exceeded all equipment which had been made during the war. Lee had met these armies through the preceding years with constantly decreasing numbers and daily diminishing supplies. Hence his army was in all extremities from the 1st of January, 1865. Thus it appears even from the military situation around Richmond that the Confederate States government had now no adequate military support, and its attempts to negotiate a peace on terms which ought to be understood before surrender had wholly failed. Its life, like that of every other civil government, was dependent upon military resources. Its civil authority was obeyed indeed to the last by its patriotic people because they loved the government itself and respected their n
16th (search for this): chapter 6
rtisan writers as authentic history. It is sufficient to say that no utterances of mine, private or public, differed in tone and spirit from my farewell address to the Senate or my inaugural address at Montgomery. (Short History of the Confederacy, p. 60.) On the way from Mississippi to Montgomery Mr. Davis was made the object of the most patriotic demonstrations, which must have satisfied him that the Southern public was gratified by his election. He arrived at Montgomery on Saturday, the 16th, and was welcomed by a popular demonstration marked by enthusiasm well-tempered with the spirit which the gravity of the situation produced. His address from the balcony of his hotel the evening of his arrival was made in response to a general call, and it revealed the flow to which his feelings had risen at the close of his journey. Beginning with Brethren of the Confederate States of America, as the opening words of the speech, he described the unity of the Southern people in blood and pr
14th (search for this): chapter 6
the indomitable Fox persisted in hoping that all the elements of his carefully planned attack on Sumter would yet get together. Pursuing this hope he organized a boat's crew, pulled in to the Pawnee from the Harriet Lane, purposing to make an effort to reach Sumter with provisions even in the absence of the tug boats, but the heavy sea forbade the venture. An ice schooner was then captured and loaded for entering the harbor at night. But in the afternoon the fort was surrendered. On the 14th it was evacuated, on the 15th the garrison was taken to the Baltic, and Fort Sumter went into the peaceable possession of the Confederacy. Captain Fox's plan was designed to secure the reinforcement of Fort Sumter peaceably if the Confederates consented, but forcibly if they objected. The objections of South Carolina at first and the subsequent declarations of the Confederate States had been very plainly made. It was understood on both sides that the attempt to reinforce by provisions and
January 6th, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 6
rted, a result which was generally regarded as a calamity to be followed by the total overthrow of all liberties. Looking into Washington at the same period for insight into influences employed against this mission, there appeared two movements—one in Congress and the other from without—which obstructed the pending negotiations. That which occurred in Congress and so fully described in the work of the Hon. S. S. Cox, Three Decades in Federal Legislation; was the sudden resurrection, January 6, 1865, of the Thirteenth amendment to the Constitution which had been slumbering on the table since the last Presidential campaign. Mr. Cox says of this amendment that it was a part of the program for strengthening the Federal cause. Mr. Seward and the President considered it worth an army. Whether they were right or not the amendment was not pressed until just before the negotiations at Hampton Roads. It was bruited around Washington about the first of January that Blair was entertaining
13th (search for this): chapter 6
of the country and do not at all embrace questions arising between the several States and the Federal government he cannot hold correspondence with them. The memorandum also referred the Confederate commissioners to the inaugural of the President for information as to the policy of his administration. Thus it appears that all negotiation would be waived away by a decision that a State had no way of official access to the general government. The memorandum, alleged to have been filed on the 13th, was withheld from the public and also from the commissioners, although they were urging an answer. The commissioners were told that Mr. Seward desired to avoid making any reply at that time. Mr. Justice Nelson, a personal friend of Mr. Seward, gave this information to Mr. Justice Campbell, his associate in the same court, with the assurance that Mr. Seward had a strong disposition for peace. This information caused Judge Campbell, who was a personal friend of the commissioners, to agree t
December (search for this): chapter 6
justifiable. （Blaine, 231.) The elections in December in many places showed a decrease of Republica in a letter to citizens of Virginia early in December, recommended delay of separate State secessior. Toombs also thought at that time, early in December, that this much of delay was due the hopeful inistration before the meeting of Congress in December to arrest the progress of secession. It is t from Fort Moultrie an act of war Lincoln in December advises Scott to hold the forts or retake theng attention to the action of Congress during December, it will be observed that events were thicken consequence. Policy foreshadowed in December. 8600 war like preparations Star of the Wesfurnish a vessel had already been made during December, and he was notified on January 2d, that a stnted agent of exchanges at Fortress Monroe in December, thus closing the year 1863 with a total cessate fell from about 3,000 in August to 160 in December. In the beginning of these horrors the Con[4 more...]
12th (search for this): chapter 6
, appoint one immediately, and renew the effort to enter into conference with the view to secure peace to the two countries. Jefferson Davis. With this important letter Mr. Blair returned to Washington, and showing it to President Lincoln, obtained from him a communication designed to be read by the Confederate President. This letter, also addressed to Mr. Blair, and dated at Washington, January 18, 1865, was as follows: Sir: You having shown me Mr. Davis' letter to you of the 12th instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now and shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential person now resisting the national authority may informally send to me with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country. Abraham Lincoln. Thus far the preliminaries seemed to gratify Mr. Blair, It was well you wrote me that letter, he said to Mr. Davis when he reached Richmond, on his second visit bearing the letter from Mr. Linc
April 11th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 6
y one leader, Mr. Greeley, whose facilities for gathering information were so peculiarly great as to authorize him to say that the South cannot be kicked out of the Union. Without designing to speak offensively he thus flatly ridiculed the warnings of 1860 uttered by Northern conservative statesmen. Another event which familiarized yet more the public mind with the idea of division of the States was the disruption of the Democratic national convention, which met in Charleston, S. C., April 11, 1860. There were present at this convention complete delegations from all the States, South as well as North, representing the nationality of the great party then in power, and harmonious on all questions, except on the application of the doctrine of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the territories. The power to legislate against slave property by the territorial legislature was affirmed by a close majority vote in somewhat evasive language, thus endorsing the doctrine of Mr. Do
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