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ese efforts, and vindicated its preservation and extension up till the period of secession. So excited were the parties, that had they intended to furnish material to inflame the passions of tie one against the other, they could not have more effectually succeeded than they did by their mutual criminations and recriminations. The struggle continued without intermission for more than the quarter of a century, except within the brief interval between the passage of the Compromise measures of 1850 and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, during which the hostile feelings of the parties were greatly allayed, and hopes were entertained that the strife might finally subside. These peaceful prospects, it will appear, were soon blasted by the repeal of this Compromise, and the struggle was then renewed with more bitterness than ever until the final catastrophe. Many grievous errors were committed by both parties from the beginning, but the most fatal of them all was the secessio
September, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 1
Even after he had, in his messages, exposed the dangerous condition of public affairs, and when it had become morally certain that all his efforts to avoid the civil war would be frustrated by agencies far beyond his control, they persistently refused to pass any measures enabling him or his successor to execute the laws against armed resistance, or to defend the country against approaching rebellion. The book concludes by a notice of the successful domestic and foreign policy of the administration. In the portion of it concerning our relations with the Mexican Republic, a history of the origin and nature of the Monroe doctrine is appropriately included: It has been the author's intention, in the following pages, to, verify every statement of fact by a documentary or other authentic reference, and thus save the reader, as far as may be possible, from reliance on individual memory. From the use of private correspondence he has resolutely abstained. Wheatland, September 1865.
xtension up till the period of secession. So excited were the parties, that had they intended to furnish material to inflame the passions of tie one against the other, they could not have more effectually succeeded than they did by their mutual criminations and recriminations. The struggle continued without intermission for more than the quarter of a century, except within the brief interval between the passage of the Compromise measures of 1850 and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, during which the hostile feelings of the parties were greatly allayed, and hopes were entertained that the strife might finally subside. These peaceful prospects, it will appear, were soon blasted by the repeal of this Compromise, and the struggle was then renewed with more bitterness than ever until the final catastrophe. Many grievous errors were committed by both parties from the beginning, but the most fatal of them all was the secession of the cotton States. The authorities cited i
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 1
lings of the parties were greatly allayed, and hopes were entertained that the strife might finally subside. These peaceful prospects, it will appear, were soon blasted by the repeal of this Compromise, and the struggle was then renewed with more bitterness than ever until the final catastrophe. Many grievous errors were committed by both parties from the beginning, but the most fatal of them all was the secession of the cotton States. The authorities cited in the work will show that Mr. Buchanan never failed, upon all suitable occasions, to warn his countrymen of the approaching danger, and to advise them of the proper means to avert it. Both before and after he became President be was an earnest advocate of compromise between the parties to save the Union, but Congress disregarded his recommendations. Even after he had, in his messages, exposed the dangerous condition of public affairs, and when it had become morally certain that all his efforts to avoid the civil war would be
Wheatland (search for this): chapter 1
ven after he had, in his messages, exposed the dangerous condition of public affairs, and when it had become morally certain that all his efforts to avoid the civil war would be frustrated by agencies far beyond his control, they persistently refused to pass any measures enabling him or his successor to execute the laws against armed resistance, or to defend the country against approaching rebellion. The book concludes by a notice of the successful domestic and foreign policy of the administration. In the portion of it concerning our relations with the Mexican Republic, a history of the origin and nature of the Monroe doctrine is appropriately included: It has been the author's intention, in the following pages, to, verify every statement of fact by a documentary or other authentic reference, and thus save the reader, as far as may be possible, from reliance on individual memory. From the use of private correspondence he has resolutely abstained. Wheatland, September 1865.
M. Lincoln (search for this): chapter 1
Preface. The following historical narrative of the events preceding the late rebellion was prepared soon after its outbreak, substantially in the present form. It may be asked, Why, then, was it not published at an earlier period? The answer is, that the publication was delayed to avoid the possible imputation, unjust as this would have been, that any portion of it was intended to embarrass M. Lincoln's administration in the vigorous prosecution of pending hostilities. The author deemed it far better to suffer,temporary injustice than to expose himself to such a charge. He never doubted the successful event of the war, even during its most gloomy periods. Having drawn his first breath soon after the adoption of the Federal Constitution and the Union which it established, and having been an eye-witness of the blessed effects of these, in securing liberty and prosperity at home, and in presenting an example to the oppressed of other lands, he felt an abiding conviction that th
which is in itself a great social evil, though they considered this was necessary to avoid the still greater calamity of dissolving the Convention without the formation of our Federal Union. The narrative will prove that the original and conspiring causes of all our future troubles are to be found in the long, active, and persistent hostility of the Northern Abolitionists, both in and out of Congress, against Southern slavery, until the final triumph of their cause in the election of President Lncoln; and on the other hand, the corresponding antagonism and violence with which the advocates of slavery resisted these efforts, and vindicated its preservation and extension up till the period of secession. So excited were the parties, that had they intended to furnish material to inflame the passions of tie one against the other, they could not have more effectually succeeded than they did by their mutual criminations and recriminations. The struggle continued without intermission for
tures were passing resolutions instructing their Senators and requesting their Representatives. to vote for the Wilmot Proviso, Southern Legislatures and conventions were passing resolutions pledging themselves to measures of resistance. The interposition of the proviso, in season and out of season, and the violent and protracted debates to which it gave rise, defeated the establishment of territorial governments in California and New Mexico throughout the whole of the thirtieth Congress (1847-8 and 1848-9). Meanwhile it placed the two sections of the Union in hostile array against each other. The people of the one, instead of regarding those of the other as brethren, were converted into deadly enemies. At the meeting of the thirty-first Congress (December, 1849) serious apprehensions were everywhere entertained, among the most enlightened and purest patriots, for the safety of the Union. The necessity was admitted by all that measures should be adopted to ward off the impending
t which we have made with our sister States. Their rights will be held sacred by us. Under the Constitution it is their own question, and there let it remain. Gales and Seaton's Register of Debates, vol. XII., part 1, 1835-6, p. 781. A new source of anti-slavery agitation was about this time opened against the execution of the old Fugitive Slave Law, passed in February, 1793. This was greatly increased by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, at the January term, 1842, in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 16 Peter, 689. It is true, the opinion of the Court, delivered by Mr. Justice Story, explicitly affirmed the Constitutional right of the master to recover his fugitive slave in any State to which he had fled. It even went so far as to clothe the master himself with full authority, in every State of the Union, to seize arid recapture his slave, wherever he can do it without a breach of the peace or any illegal violence. After th
ecommendation defeated the pulpit, the press, and other agencies abolition petitions the rise of an extreme Southern Proslavery party the Fugitive slave law of 1793, and the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, and its pernicious effects the South threaten secession the course of Mr. Buchanan as Senator the Wilmot Proviso and itvery guarantees were rendered practically of little or no avail, by the decision of the Court in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, declaring that the Congress of 1793 had violated the Constitution by requiring State magistrates to aid in executing the law. We have no disposition to dispute the binding force of this decision, ain (page 394): Nor were these views contradicted by subsequent experience. From the day of the decision of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the act of 1793 was, says his biographer, a dead letter in the free States. The slaveholders, thus deprived of their rights, began to threaten secession from the Union. They c
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