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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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Fortress Monroe (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 34
s reception, if the enemy were not determined to receive no proposal whatever from this government. Vice-President Stephens made a patriotic tender of his services in the hope of being able to promote the cause of humanity, and although little belief was entertained of his success, I cheerfully yielded to his suggestion, that the experiment should be tried. The enemy refused to let him pass through their lines or to hold any conference with them. He was stopped before he even reached Fortress Monroe on his way to Washington. To attempt again (in the face of these repeated rejections of all conference with us), to send commissioners or agents to propose peace, is to invite insult and contumely, and to subject ourselves to indignity, without the slightest chance of being listened to. No true citizen, no man who has our cause at heart can desire this, and the good people of North Carolina would be the last to approve of such an attempt, if aware of all the facts. So far from removin
Raleigh (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 34
tion of a number of the letters of the great Confederate chief. But they all tend to brand Sherman's slander and make clearer President Davis's position. The following are worth preserving:] State of North Carolina, Executive Department, Raleigh, N. C., December 30, 1863. His Excellency, President Davis: My dear Sir,—After a careful consideration of all the sources of discontent in North Carolina, I have concluded that it will be perhaps impossible to remove it, except by making some eff principal matter. Allow me to beg your earnest consideration of this suggestion. Very respectfully yours, (Signed) Z. B. Vance. Executive office, Richmond, January 8, 1864. His Excellency, Z. B. Vance, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C.: dear Sir,—I have received your letter of the 30th ult. containing suggestions of the measures to be adopted for the purpose of removing the sources of discontent in North Carolina. The contents of the letter are substantially the same as
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 34
Correspondence between Governor Vance, of North Carolina, and President Jefferson Davis. [General Sherman's friends, iposition. The following are worth preserving:] State of North Carolina, Executive Department, Raleigh, N. C., December 30eful consideration of all the sources of discontent in North Carolina, I have concluded that it will be perhaps impossible tuary 8, 1864. His Excellency, Z. B. Vance, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C.: dear Sir,—I have received your letr the purpose of removing the sources of discontent in North Carolina. The contents of the letter are substantially the samcause at heart can desire this, and the good people of North Carolina would be the last to approve of such an attempt, if awf fact the slaves of our own negroes? Can there be in North Carolina one citizen so fallen beneath the dignity of his ances I fear much from the tenor of the news I receive from North Carolina, that an attempt will be made by some bad men to inaug
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 34
Correspondence between Governor Vance, of North Carolina, and President Jefferson Davis. [General Sherman's friends, in their vain efforts to extricate him from the web of mendacity, which he has woven for himself in his controversy with Mr. Davis, have been the occasion of the publication of a number of the letters of the great Confederate chief. But they all tend to brand Sherman's slander and make clearer President Davis's position. The following are worth preserving:] State of North Carolina, Executive Department, Raleigh, N. C., December 30, 1863. His Excellency, President DPresident Davis: My dear Sir,—After a careful consideration of all the sources of discontent in North Carolina, I have concluded that it will be perhaps impossible to remove it, except by making some effort pient, as I believe it now to be, or more mature, as I believe, if not firmly met, it will in our future inevitably become. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, (Signed) Jefferson Davis
consideration of this suggestion. Very respectfully yours, (Signed) Z. B. Vance. Executive office, Richmond, January 8, 1864. His Excellency, Z. B. Vance, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C.: dear Sir,—I have received your letter of the 30th ult. containing suggestions of the measures to be adopted for the purpose of removing the sources of discontent in North Carolina. The contents of the letter are substantially the same as those of the letter addressed by you to Senator Dortch, extracts of which were by him read to me. Apart from insuperable objection to the line of policy you propose (and to which I will presently advert), I cannot see how the mere material obstacles are to be surmounted. We have made three distinct efforts to communicate with the authorities at Washington, and have been, invariably, unsuccessful. Commissioners were sent before hostilities were begun, and the Washington government refused to see them or hear what they had to say. A secon
William T. Sherman (search for this): chapter 34
Correspondence between Governor Vance, of North Carolina, and President Jefferson Davis. [General Sherman's friends, in their vain efforts to extricate him from the web of mendacity, which he has woven for himself in his controversy with Mr. Davis, have been the occasion of the publication of a number of the letters of the great Confederate chief. But they all tend to brand Sherman's slander and make clearer President Davis's position. The following are worth preserving:] State of NoSherman's slander and make clearer President Davis's position. The following are worth preserving:] State of North Carolina, Executive Department, Raleigh, N. C., December 30, 1863. His Excellency, President Davis: My dear Sir,—After a careful consideration of all the sources of discontent in North Carolina, I have concluded that it will be perhaps impossible to remove it, except by making some effort at negotiation with the enemy. The recent action of the Federal House of Representatives, though meaning very little, has greatly excited the public hope that the Northern mind is looking towards peace
Dred Scott (search for this): chapter 34
ich I will presently advert), I cannot see how the mere material obstacles are to be surmounted. We have made three distinct efforts to communicate with the authorities at Washington, and have been, invariably, unsuccessful. Commissioners were sent before hostilities were begun, and the Washington government refused to see them or hear what they had to say. A second time I sent a military officer with a communication addressed by myself to President Lincoln. The letter was received by General Scott, who did not permit the officer to see Mr. Lincoln, but who promised that an answer would be sent. No answer has ever been received. The third time, a few months ago, a gentleman was sent whose position, character, and reputation were such as to insure his reception, if the enemy were not determined to receive no proposal whatever from this government. Vice-President Stephens made a patriotic tender of his services in the hope of being able to promote the cause of humanity, and althou
Z. B. Vance (search for this): chapter 34
Correspondence between Governor Vance, of North Carolina, and President Jefferson Davis. [General Sherman's friends, in their vain efforts to extricate him from the web of mendacity, which he has woven for himself in his controversy with Mr. Davis, have been the occasion of the publication of a number of the letters of the gs. The effort to obtain peace is the principal matter. Allow me to beg your earnest consideration of this suggestion. Very respectfully yours, (Signed) Z. B. Vance. Executive office, Richmond, January 8, 1864. His Excellency, Z. B. Vance, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C.: dear Sir,—I have received your leZ. B. Vance, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C.: dear Sir,—I have received your letter of the 30th ult. containing suggestions of the measures to be adopted for the purpose of removing the sources of discontent in North Carolina. The contents of the letter are substantially the same as those of the letter addressed by you to Senator Dortch, extracts of which were by him read to me. Apart from insuperable obj
Alexander H. Stephens (search for this): chapter 34
sent a military officer with a communication addressed by myself to President Lincoln. The letter was received by General Scott, who did not permit the officer to see Mr. Lincoln, but who promised that an answer would be sent. No answer has ever been received. The third time, a few months ago, a gentleman was sent whose position, character, and reputation were such as to insure his reception, if the enemy were not determined to receive no proposal whatever from this government. Vice-President Stephens made a patriotic tender of his services in the hope of being able to promote the cause of humanity, and although little belief was entertained of his success, I cheerfully yielded to his suggestion, that the experiment should be tried. The enemy refused to let him pass through their lines or to hold any conference with them. He was stopped before he even reached Fortress Monroe on his way to Washington. To attempt again (in the face of these repeated rejections of all conference
m or hear what they had to say. A second time I sent a military officer with a communication addressed by myself to President Lincoln. The letter was received by General Scott, who did not permit the officer to see Mr. Lincoln, but who promised thaMr. Lincoln, but who promised that an answer would be sent. No answer has ever been received. The third time, a few months ago, a gentleman was sent whose position, character, and reputation were such as to insure his reception, if the enemy were not determined to receive no prop let alone. But suppose it were practicable to obtain a conference through commissioners, with the Government of President Lincoln, is it at this moment that we are to consider it desirable, or even at all practical? Have we not just been apprisjugation or extermination. But if it were otherwise, how are we to treat with the House of Representatives? It is with Lincoln alone that we could confer, and his own partisans at the North avow unequivocally that his purpose, as his message and p
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