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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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Senator Randall Gibson was first in command of two regiments of Louisiana troops, but after the wounding of General Adams, commanded the latter's brigade of Breckinridge's division in the brilliant charge around the Union left on Sunday, which, for a time, until met by Van DerVeer, seriously threatened the overthrow of that wing of the Union army. General Gibson says: United States Senate, Washington, D. C., December 15, 1888. my dear General—I am in receipt of your favor of the 10th instant, inclosing a printed letter proposing the organization of an association of the officers of the two armies, who were engaged in the battle of Chickamauga, for preserving the battle lines and marking the main points on the field with suitable monuments. I will be very glad to aid you so far as I can in this work, and to furnish whatever information I may possess of the position of the division (Breckinridge's) to which I belonged. I return the newspaper slip. Yours faithfully, R. L.
February 14th (search for this): chapter 1.35
nt by the publishers to the Congressional library. It is anticipated that every State in the Union will, in behalf of the men each sent to the armies, contribute liberally. The interest so just, grows more widely pervading, and is happily crystallizing into definite measures for durable and effective organization. A joint meeting of the Union and Confederate veterans, who were engaged at Chickamauga, was held in the room of the Senate Committee on Military Affairs in Washington on February 14th. The object was to devise a plan for preserving that field and marking the positions of all the forces that participated in the fight. General Henry M. Cist, of Cincinnati, chairman of the committee of the Society of the Army of the Cumberland charged with this subject, called his committee here last night. It organized and invited co-operation from the ex Confederates present. The meeting here noticed was the result. There were present Generals Rosecrans, Baird, Reynolds, Cist, Ma
th Carolina had seceded, the other States of the South were so anxious to continue the Union under the Constitution and to stand by and perpetuate its principles, a peace congress was called. Virginia, taking the lead, called that congress which met in Washington city in February, 1861. Judge Chase, a leader of the anti-slavery movement, afterwards Mr. Lincoln's Secretary of State and later Chief Justice of the United States, was a delegate to that congress. As such delegate, he, on the 6th of March, made a speech, in which he said: The result of the national canvass which recently terminated in the election of Mr. Lincoln has been spoken of by some as the effect of sudden impulse or of some singular excitement of the popular mind, and it has been somewhat confidently asserted that, upon reflection and consideration, the hastily formed opinions which brought about the election will be changed. It has been said also that subordinate questions of local and temporary character ha
it with suitable tablets and monuments. Its claims were earnestly pressed in a communication (which is herewith reproduced) to the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette of December 8th last, from General H. V. Boynton, of Washington, D. C., whose efforts towards organization have since been untiring: The idea originated at the recent reunion of the Society of the Army of the Cumberland at Chicago. A committee was appointed to take the matter into consideration and report to the Society next September at its meeting at Chattanooga. A conference will soon be held at Washington between representatives of that committee and ex-Confederate officers who served on that field, with a view of considering a plan and taking immediate preliminary steps toward its accomplishment. Some of the most distinguished of these officers are now in Congress or the Departments. Those who have thus far considered the matter have in mind an organization formed after the general plan of the Gettysburg Memoria
the other to observe the rest. That great man loved law, system, order; had great respect for the ability, patriotism and integrity of the Supreme Court of the United States, and would certainly, I think, have acquiesced in its decision made at December term, 1856, that Congress had no power to exclude slavery from the territories. His course through life warrants the conclusion that be would have urged it as a settlement of that agitation. Our affairs having reached the crisis indicated, tpproval of their course, and offer up the prayer, God bless and perpetuate their memories. I am thankful for this opportunity and this occasion to defend the right. The blue and the gray United. The Chickamauga Memorial Association. In December last a patriotic movement, which is enlisting warm and general interest, was inaugurated in Washington, D. C., to organize a joint memorial association of Union and Confederate veterans, to acquire and preserve the battlefield of Chickamauga and
December 8th (search for this): chapter 1.35
and the gray United. The Chickamauga Memorial Association. In December last a patriotic movement, which is enlisting warm and general interest, was inaugurated in Washington, D. C., to organize a joint memorial association of Union and Confederate veterans, to acquire and preserve the battlefield of Chickamauga and mark it with suitable tablets and monuments. Its claims were earnestly pressed in a communication (which is herewith reproduced) to the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette of December 8th last, from General H. V. Boynton, of Washington, D. C., whose efforts towards organization have since been untiring: The idea originated at the recent reunion of the Society of the Army of the Cumberland at Chicago. A committee was appointed to take the matter into consideration and report to the Society next September at its meeting at Chattanooga. A conference will soon be held at Washington between representatives of that committee and ex-Confederate officers who served on that fi
small party positively refused to recognize and obey the courts, and the time had come when we might, as the Hartford convention said we had the right to do, become our own judges and execute our own decisions. The principles set forth by that convention were signed by a number of the leading men of that day, and amongst them Nathan Dane, founder of the professorship of law in the Cambridge University, and who was author of the ordinance for the government of the Northwestern Territory in 1787. He, like Rawle, understood what was meant by the powers of the Constitution. He lived in their day and with them, and we may regard his utterances as an authoritative construction of the instrument. On the 9th of November, 1860, Horace Greeley wrote: The telegraph informs us that most of the cotton States are meditating a withdrawal from the Union because of Lincoln's election. Very well, they have a right to meditate, and meditation is a profitable employment of leisure. We have a ch
crime. In two instances, Kent and Fairfield, Governors of Maine, refused to comply with this provision on requisitions by the Governor of Georgia for negro thieves. Governor Seward (afterwards Senator), of New York, made a similar refusal to the same State, saying it was not against the laws of New York to steal a negro. He made a similar refusal to Virginia. These Governors were sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, and certainly understood its plain command. In 1793, while Washington was President, an act was passed to carry out the provision for the return of fugitive slaves. It was adopted unanimously in the Senate, and nearly so in the House. The Federal and State courts held it to be constitutional, and yet these Governors refused to execute it. On the 7th of January, 1861, more than two weeks after South Carolina had passed her ordinance of secession, Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, in a speech in the Senate, said: The Supreme Court has decided that by
lision will arise between the State and Federal jurisdiction-conflicts more dangerous than all the wordy wars which are got up in Congress. Conflicts in which the State will never yield; for the more you undertake to load them with acts like this, the greater will be their resistance. I said there were States in this Union whose highest tribunals had adjudged that bill to be unconstitutional, and I was one of those who believed it unconstitutional, and that under the old resolutions of 1798 and 1799 a State must not only be the judge of that, but of the remedy in such case. There was no menacing there, no stringing together of words for sound's sake, but a solid shot straight to the mark from anti-slavery quarters. In his address in 1839 before the Historical Society of New York, Mr. John Quincy Adams said: With these qualifications we may admit the same right as vested in the people of every State in the Union with reference to the general government, which was exercised by
ll arise between the State and Federal jurisdiction-conflicts more dangerous than all the wordy wars which are got up in Congress. Conflicts in which the State will never yield; for the more you undertake to load them with acts like this, the greater will be their resistance. I said there were States in this Union whose highest tribunals had adjudged that bill to be unconstitutional, and I was one of those who believed it unconstitutional, and that under the old resolutions of 1798 and 1799 a State must not only be the judge of that, but of the remedy in such case. There was no menacing there, no stringing together of words for sound's sake, but a solid shot straight to the mark from anti-slavery quarters. In his address in 1839 before the Historical Society of New York, Mr. John Quincy Adams said: With these qualifications we may admit the same right as vested in the people of every State in the Union with reference to the general government, which was exercised by the peopl
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