hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
United States (United States) 296 0 Browse Search
Johnson Hagood 190 10 Browse Search
G. T. Beauregard 164 4 Browse Search
John Brown 138 2 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 110 0 Browse Search
Grant 107 25 Browse Search
Robert E. Lee 95 25 Browse Search
B. F. Cheatham 93 3 Browse Search
Braxton Bragg 87 1 Browse Search
Ohio (Ohio, United States) 80 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

Found 538 total hits in 176 results.

... 13 14 15 16 17 18
th Carolina had seceded, the other States of the South were so anxious to continue the Union under the Constitution and to stand by and perpetuate its principles, a peace congress was called. Virginia, taking the lead, called that congress which met in Washington city in February, 1861. Judge Chase, a leader of the anti-slavery movement, afterwards Mr. Lincoln's Secretary of State and later Chief Justice of the United States, was a delegate to that congress. As such delegate, he, on the 6th of March, made a speech, in which he said: The result of the national canvass which recently terminated in the election of Mr. Lincoln has been spoken of by some as the effect of sudden impulse or of some singular excitement of the popular mind, and it has been somewhat confidently asserted that, upon reflection and consideration, the hastily formed opinions which brought about the election will be changed. It has been said also that subordinate questions of local and temporary character ha
November 9th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 1.35
les set forth by that convention were signed by a number of the leading men of that day, and amongst them Nathan Dane, founder of the professorship of law in the Cambridge University, and who was author of the ordinance for the government of the Northwestern Territory in 1787. He, like Rawle, understood what was meant by the powers of the Constitution. He lived in their day and with them, and we may regard his utterances as an authoritative construction of the instrument. On the 9th of November, 1860, Horace Greeley wrote: The telegraph informs us that most of the cotton States are meditating a withdrawal from the Union because of Lincoln's election. Very well, they have a right to meditate, and meditation is a profitable employment of leisure. We have a chronic, invincible disbelief in disunion as a remedy for either Northern or Southern grievances. We cannot see any necessary connection between the alleged disease and the ultra heroic remedy. Still we say, if any one meditat
May 1st, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 1.35
le of the South. History shows the North to be equally responsible at the least, and I undertake to say more so, and I feel sure that I am able to prove it should it ever become necessary. About the first of May, 1850, the New York State Vigilance Anti-Slavery Committee, of which the famous Gerritt Smith was chairman, held its anniversary meeting in public in the city of New York. I give a single passage from its official report: The committee have within the year, since the 1st of May, 1849, assisted one hundred and fifty-one fugitives (for that you know is our business) in escaping from servitude. I cite this as one of many specimens of the respect the anti-slavery people had for constitutional guaranties and protections. In speaking upon the clause of the Constitution just cited, Mr. Seward, of New York, said in the United States Senate on March 11, 1850: The law of nations disavows such compacts, the law of Nature written on the hearts and consciences of freemen repu
ll arise between the State and Federal jurisdiction-conflicts more dangerous than all the wordy wars which are got up in Congress. Conflicts in which the State will never yield; for the more you undertake to load them with acts like this, the greater will be their resistance. I said there were States in this Union whose highest tribunals had adjudged that bill to be unconstitutional, and I was one of those who believed it unconstitutional, and that under the old resolutions of 1798 and 1799 a State must not only be the judge of that, but of the remedy in such case. There was no menacing there, no stringing together of words for sound's sake, but a solid shot straight to the mark from anti-slavery quarters. In his address in 1839 before the Historical Society of New York, Mr. John Quincy Adams said: With these qualifications we may admit the same right as vested in the people of every State in the Union with reference to the general government, which was exercised by the peopl
April 30th, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 1.35
modifications to be mentioned, to the field of Chickamauga: The Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial Association was formed for the purpose of holding and preserving the battle-grounds of Gettysburg, with their natural and artificial defences, and perpetuate the same, with such memorial structures as might be erected thereon in commemoration of the heroic deeds and achievements of the actors in that great contest. It was incorporated by act of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, approved April 30, 1864, by which act, and a supplement thereto, approved April 24, 1866, ample powers and authority are conferred for the accomplishment of its purposes, including the purchase of lands, laying out of roads and avenues, the erection of suitable memorial structures, etc. The property of the Association shall not be subject to attachment or execution, and the lands acquired for the purpose of said Association, with its personal property and the improvements and appurtenances, shall be forever ex
lision will arise between the State and Federal jurisdiction-conflicts more dangerous than all the wordy wars which are got up in Congress. Conflicts in which the State will never yield; for the more you undertake to load them with acts like this, the greater will be their resistance. I said there were States in this Union whose highest tribunals had adjudged that bill to be unconstitutional, and I was one of those who believed it unconstitutional, and that under the old resolutions of 1798 and 1799 a State must not only be the judge of that, but of the remedy in such case. There was no menacing there, no stringing together of words for sound's sake, but a solid shot straight to the mark from anti-slavery quarters. In his address in 1839 before the Historical Society of New York, Mr. John Quincy Adams said: With these qualifications we may admit the same right as vested in the people of every State in the Union with reference to the general government, which was exercised by
... 13 14 15 16 17 18