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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 17. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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January (search for this): chapter 1.10
ch he maintained throughout his parliamentary career. John Quincy Adams is said to have predicted on hearing it that he would make his mark, and his prophecy was very soon fulfilled. He advocated, in a resolution offered by himself, the very first month of his service, the conversion of some of the military posts into schools of instruction, and the substitution of detachments furnished proportionately by the States for the garrisons of enlisted men; and on the 29th of the same month made a foughout all the Northwest, where Ohio was the State most threatened, the troops of Kentucky formed the bulk of the American army, and it was a charge of their mounted riflemen which at a blow won the battle of the Thames. Again, on the famous January morning, when it seemed as if the fair Creole city was already in Packenham's grasp, it was the wild soldiery of Tennessee who, laying behind their mud breastworks, peered out through the lifting fog at the scarlet array of the English veterans
January 20th (search for this): chapter 1.10
he faces of men who have bled for the flag of their country and are willing now to die for it; but partriotism stands powerless before the plea that the party about to come to power adopted a platform, and that come what will, though ruin stare us in the face, consistency must be adhered to, even though the government be lost. Even as he spoke, though perhaps as yet unknown to him, Mississippi the day before had passed the ordinance of secession. Farewell to the Senate. On the 20th of January he rose in the Senate to announce that fact, and that of course his functions there were terminated. In language characterized by dignity and moderation, in terms as decorous and in sentiments as noble as became a solemn crisis and a high presence, he bade farewell to the Senate. In the course of my service here, he said, associated at different times with a great variety of Senators, I see now around me some with whom I have served long. There may have been points of collision
February 23rd (search for this): chapter 1.10
ly the creed of Jefferson Davis. Again, on the 17th day of December, after the secession of South Carolina, that journal said: If the Declaration of Independence justified the secession from the British empire of three millions of colonists in 1776, we do not see why it would not justify the secession of five millions of Southerners from the Federal Union in 1861. If we are mistaken on the point, why does not some one attempt to show wherein and why? And yet again, on the 23d of February, after Mr. Davis had been inaugurated as President at Montgomery, it said: We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the great principle embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of American Independence, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, is sound and just, and that if the slave States, the cotton States, or the Gulf States only choose to form an independent nation they have a clear moral right to do so. The balance of powe
December 17th (search for this): chapter 1.10
o better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists nevertheless, and we do not see how one party can have the right to do what another party has a right to prevent. We must ever resist the asserted right of any State to remain in the Union and nullify or defy the laws thereof; to withdraw from the Union is quite another matter. This was precisely the creed of Jefferson Davis. Again, on the 17th day of December, after the secession of South Carolina, that journal said: If the Declaration of Independence justified the secession from the British empire of three millions of colonists in 1776, we do not see why it would not justify the secession of five millions of Southerners from the Federal Union in 1861. If we are mistaken on the point, why does not some one attempt to show wherein and why? And yet again, on the 23d of February, after Mr. Davis had been inaugurated as President a
1641 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
exchange for Moors, which will be more gainful pillage to us than we can conceive, for I do not see how we can thrive until we get in a stock of slaves sufficient to do all our business? Were not choice parcels of negro boys and girls consigned to Boston from the Indies, and advertised and sold at auction, until after independence was declared? Was not the first slaveship in America fitted out by the Pilgrim Colony? Was not the first statute establishing slavery enacted in Massachusetts in 1641, with a certain comic comprehensiveness providing that there should never be any bond slavery unless it be of captives taken in just war, or of such as willingly sold themselves or were sold to them? Did not the United Colonies of New England constitute the first American Confederacy that recognized slavery? and was not the first fugitive slave law originated at their bidding? All this is true. Speak slowly, then, O! man of the North, against the Southern slave owners, or the Southern Chi
1727 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
atherland, and Washington and Hamilton, Jefferson and Adams, Madison and Franklin, of the New World, who, however varying in circumstance or in personality, were liberty leaders and representatives of great people, great ideas, and great deeds. Unity of the Southern colonies against slavery. On what ground will he be challenged? Did not the Southern folk show originally an aversion to slavery more manifestly even than those of the North? South Carolina protested against it as early as 1727 and as late as 1760. Georgia prohibited it by law. Virginia sternly set her face against it, and levied a tax of ten dollars per head on every negro to prevent it. They were all overridden by the avarice of English merchants and the despotism of English ministers. Do as you would be done by is not yet the maxim of our race, which will push oft on its weaker brethren that it will not itself accept; and thus slavery was thrust on the South, an uninvited—aye, a forbidden-guest. Quickly did the
1760 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
ngton and Hamilton, Jefferson and Adams, Madison and Franklin, of the New World, who, however varying in circumstance or in personality, were liberty leaders and representatives of great people, great ideas, and great deeds. Unity of the Southern colonies against slavery. On what ground will he be challenged? Did not the Southern folk show originally an aversion to slavery more manifestly even than those of the North? South Carolina protested against it as early as 1727 and as late as 1760. Georgia prohibited it by law. Virginia sternly set her face against it, and levied a tax of ten dollars per head on every negro to prevent it. They were all overridden by the avarice of English merchants and the despotism of English ministers. Do as you would be done by is not yet the maxim of our race, which will push oft on its weaker brethren that it will not itself accept; and thus slavery was thrust on the South, an uninvited—aye, a forbidden-guest. Quickly did the South stop the slav
1771 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
Scott decision might be reversed. The Southern States were already in procession of secession The high tides of revolution were in their flow. The South and the Union—its battles. Pause, now, upon the threshold, and geography and history will alike tell you that neither in its people nor in its leader was there lack of love for the Union, and that it was with sad hearts that they saw its ligaments torn asunder. Look at the Southern map. There may be read the name of Alamance, where in 1771 the first drop of American blood was shed against arbitrary taxation, and at Mecklenburg, where was sounded the first note of Independence. Before the Declaration at Philadelphia there had risen in the Southern sky what Bancroft termed the bright morning star of American Independence, where, on the 28th of June, 1776, the guns of Moultrie at the Palmetto fort in front of Charleston announced the first victory of American arms. At King's Mountain is the spot where the rough-and-ready men of
1776 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
tion ordained. When independence was declared at Philadelphia, in 1776, America was yet a unit in the possession of slaves, and when the Could be as vain a thing to do as to discuss that of the Revolution of 1776. Each revolution concluded the question that induced it. Slavery wa secession from the British empire of three millions of colonists in 1776, we do not see why it would not justify the secession of five millio, but had consecrated as just in principle and vindicated by deed in 1776. The United States treated secession as a political question and and understand the law of the sword, for the men of independence in 1776 and 1861 were of the same blood as those who in each case cried, Disn I say to you that my father and uncles fought in the Revolution of 1776, giving their youth, their blood, and their little patrimony to the ong in failures; but not worse in this case than in the revoluion of 1776, when Washington was at the head. So far did they go wrong then tha
June 28th, 1776 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
there lack of love for the Union, and that it was with sad hearts that they saw its ligaments torn asunder. Look at the Southern map. There may be read the name of Alamance, where in 1771 the first drop of American blood was shed against arbitrary taxation, and at Mecklenburg, where was sounded the first note of Independence. Before the Declaration at Philadelphia there had risen in the Southern sky what Bancroft termed the bright morning star of American Independence, where, on the 28th of June, 1776, the guns of Moultrie at the Palmetto fort in front of Charleston announced the first victory of American arms. At King's Mountain is the spot where the rough-and-ready men of the Carolinas and the swift riders of Virginia and Tennessee had turned the tide of victory in our favor, and there at Yorktown is the true birth spot of the free nation. Right here I stand to-night on the soil of that State which first of all America stood alone free and independent? Beyond the confines of th
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