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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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1640 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
ille, before the Lowell Institute in Boston, says: The morale of the Confederate army could not have been finer. * * * Perhaps no infantry was ever, in its peculiar way, more permeated with the instinct of pure fighting—ever felt the gaudiam certaminis more than the Army of Northern Virginia. Another gallant Federal colonel thus wrote of them: I take a just pride as an American citizen, a descendant on both sides of my parentage of English stock, who came to this country about 1640, that the Southern army, composed almost entirely of Americans, were able, under the ablest American chieftains, to defeat so often the overwhelming hosts of the North, which were composed largely of foreigners to our soil; in fact, the majority were mercenaries whom large bounties induced to enlist, while the stayat-home patriots, whose money bought them, body and boots, to go off and get killed, instead of their own precious selves, said let the war go on. Another Federal officer, writi
1788 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
the other, who regarded the new system as anything but an experiment entered upon by the States, from which each and every State had the right peaceably to withdraw—a right which was very likely to be exercised. And I heard Mr. James C. Carter, of New York, but a native of New England, and one of the greatest lawyers in this country, in his address recently delivered at the University of Virginia, say: I may hazard the opinion that if the question had been made, not in 1860, but in 1788, immediately after the adoption of the Constitution, whether the Union, as formed by that instrument, could lawfully treat the secession of a State as rebellion, and suppress it by force, few of those who participated in framing that instrument would have answered in the affirmative. These are clear and candid admissions on the part of these distinguished Northerners that the Southern States had the right to secede as they did, and were, therefore, right in regard to the real issue involv
1845 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
During the pendency of these indictments, the 14th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States was adopted, the third section of which provides, that every person who, having taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and thereafter engaged in rebellion, should be disqualified from holding certain offices. Counsel for Mr. Davis then raised the question that Mr. Davis having taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States as a member of Congress in 1845, the 14th Amendment prescribed the punishment for afterwards engaging in rebellion, and this was pleaded in bar of the pending prosecutions for treason. The reporter says this defence was inspired and suggested from the highest official source—not the President of the United States. In other words, it was inspired and suggested by the Chief Justice himself, as shown during the course of the argument and for the sole purpose of evading the trial of the issue of the right of a State to secede
1860 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
all patriotic Americans. Lincoln received 2,216,067 votes, whilst McClellan received 1,808,725 votes; the latter receiving very nearly as many votes in the Northern States alone as Lincoln had received in the whole country when he was elected in 1860, his vote at that time being only 1,866,352. I construe this as a condemnation of their cause by nearly one-half the people of the North, out of their own mouths. It will be remembered that in this election the soldiers in the field voted, and s C. Carter, of New York, but a native of New England, and one of the greatest lawyers in this country, in his address recently delivered at the University of Virginia, say: I may hazard the opinion that if the question had been made, not in 1860, but in 1788, immediately after the adoption of the Constitution, whether the Union, as formed by that instrument, could lawfully treat the secession of a State as rebellion, and suppress it by force, few of those who participated in framing that
July 4th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
love the Union formed by their wisdom and compromise; Brave men who hate the Rebellion of Abraham Lincoln, and are determined to destroy it; Noble women who do not want their husbands and sons dragged to the Valley of Death by a remorseless tyrant, Rally out to this meeting in your strength and numbers. Central Committee. Mr. Greeley, in his American Conflict, says: It is highly probable that had a popular election been held at any time during the year following the 4th of July, 1862, on the question of continuing the war, or arresting it on the best attainable terms, a majority would have voted for peace; while it is highly probable that a still larger majority would have voted against emancipation. The same writer shows, too, not only how the successes or failures of the Northern armies served as the financial gauge which marked the price of their gold from time to time, but that these same successes or failures told in the elections the measure of the devotio
July, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
at the most powerful papers in London, and the most popular papers as well, were open partizans of the Southern Confederation. Lord Russell said the contest was one in which the North was striving for empire, and the South for independence. Mr. Gladstone said, our President, Mr. Davis, had made an army, had made a navy, and had made a nation. And it is as certain as anything that did not happen can be, that but for the fall of Vicksburg, and our failure to succeed at Gettysburg in July, 1863 (both of which disasters came on us at the same time), Mr. Roebuck's motion in Parliament for recognition by England, which the Emporer Napoleon also was working hard to bring about, would have been carried, and the Confederacy would then have been recognized by both England and France. This recognition would have raised the blockade, and this was all the South needed to insure its success. For as a distinguished Northern writer, from whom I shall presently quote, said, without their nav
1864 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
s to its conduct by both parties. For these indispensable books, we are indebted almost solely to the influence of the Confederate Camps and kindred organizations which have sprung up all over the South. Passing over the history up to the year 1864, we find the people of the North were then greatly agitated on the question of the propriety of the war, its further prosecution and the manner in which it was being conducted by the administration then in power. The opposition to the war and Lin, and of the conduct of the war on both sides, by a distinguished English nobleman who, it must be presumed, wrote from an unprejudiced standpoint. In a work called The Confederate Secession, written by the Marquis of Lothian, and published in 1864 in Edinburgh and London, that writer, after reciting and discussing with remarkable accuracy and ability the grievances of the Southern States, and the cause which led to their secession from the Union, uses this language: I believe that the
August 29th, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
stration was led by Vallandingham, of Ohio, with such boldness and ability as to cause his arrest and temporary imprisonment. In the Presidential contest of that year, Lincoln and Johnson were the candidates of the Republican, or war party, and McClellan and Pendleton were those of the Democratic, or peace party. The convention which nominated McClellan and Pendleton was one of the most representative bodies that ever assembled in this country. It met in the city of Chicago on the 29th of August, 1864, with Governor Horatio Seymour, of New York, as its chairman. An idea of the temper of the convention may be gathered from an extract from one of the speeches delivered in it by Rev. C. Chauncey Burr, of New Jersey, which is as follows: We had no right to burn their wheat-fields, steal their pianos, spoons or jewelry. Mr. Lincoln had stolen a good many thousand negroes, but for every negro he had thus stolen, he had stolen ten thousand spoons. It had been said that, if the So
November 4th, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
e of more than four millions, a majority of the people of the North would have voted that their cause was wrong, and that ours was consequently right. The virulence with which McClellan's campaign was conducted cannot be better illustrated than by incorporating here a notice of a political meeting to be held during that canvass. This notice recently appeared in a number of The Grand Army Record, and is as follows: Democrats once more to the breach! Grand Rally at Bushnell, Friday, November 4th, 1864. Hon. L. W. Ross, Major S. P. Cummings, T. E. Morgan, Joseph C. Thompson will address the people on the above occasion, and disclose to them the whole truth of the matter. White men of McDonough, Who prize the Constitution of our Fathers; who love the Union formed by their wisdom and compromise; Brave men who hate the Rebellion of Abraham Lincoln, and are determined to destroy it; Noble women who do not want their husbands and sons dragged to the Valley of Death by
February, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 1.22
peace; while it is highly probable that a still larger majority would have voted against emancipation. The same writer shows, too, not only how the successes or failures of the Northern armies served as the financial gauge which marked the price of their gold from time to time, but that these same successes or failures told in the elections the measure of the devotion of the Northern people to their cause. Not so with the people of the South, who, in the darkest period of the war, February, 1865, and with a unanimity never surpassed, resolved that their cause was the holiest of all causes, and declared their resolution to spare neither their blood nor their treasure in its maintenance and support. And even now, a third of a century after that cause went down in defeat, but not in dishonor, its memories, though shrouded in sadness, are still a sacred and living factor in their lives and being. Just at this point I desire to consider what was said of our cause, especially of t
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