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incessant from Halifax and the Board of Trade; I can trace no such purpose to Pitt. In the history of the American Revolution by the inquisitive but credulous Gordon, Pitt is said to have told Franklin, that, when the war closed, he should take measures of authority against the colonies. This is erroneous. Pitt at that time had not even seen Franklin, as we know from a memoir by Franklin himself. Gordon adds, that Pitt, in 1759 or 1760, wrote to Fauquier, of Virginia, that they should tax the colonies when the war was over, and that Fauquier dissuaded from it. I have seen Fauquier's correspondence; both the letters to him, and his replies; and there is nothing in either of them giving a shadow of corroboration to the statement. Gordon may have built on rumor, or carelessly substituted the name of Pitt for Halifax and the Board of Trade. The narrative in the text I could confirm by many special quotations, and still more by the uniform tendency of the correspondence at that
n cherished in America as the friend of its liberties, and who now in his old age pleaded for the termination of a truly national war by a solid and reasonable peace. Our North American conquests, said he to Pitt and Newcastle, and to the world, cannot be retaken. Give up none of them; or you lay the foundation of another war. Unless we would choose to be obliged to keep great bodies of troops in America, in full peace, we can never leave the French any footing in Canada. Not Senegal and Goree, nor even Guadaloupe, ought to be insisted upon as a condition of peace, provided Canada be left to us. Such seemed the infinite consequence of North America, which, by its increasing inhabitants, would consume British manufactures; by its trade, employ innumerable British ships; by its provisions, support the sugar islands; by its products, fit out the whole navy of England. Peace, too, was to be desired in behalf of England's ally, the only Protestant sovereign in Germany who could pr
George Grenville (search for this): chapter 16
delayed the works. The English garrison, reduced by death during the winter, sickness, and the unfortunate battle, to twenty-two hundred effective men, exerted themselves with alacrity. The women, and even the cripples, were set to light work. In the French army not a word would be listened to of the possibility of failure. But Pitt's sagacity had foreseen and prepared for all. A fleet at his bidding was on its way to relieve the city; and to his wife, the sister of Lord Temple and George Grenville, he was able to write in June,—Join, my love, with me, in most humble and grateful thanks to the Almighty. The siege of Quebec was raised on the seventeenth of May, with every happy circumstance. The enemy left their camp standing, abandoned forty pieces of cannon. Swanton arrived there in the Vanguard on the fifteenth, and destroyed all the French shipping, six or seven in number. Happy, happy day! My joy and hurry are inexpressible. Pitt to Lady Hester, 27 June Amherst had
William Gerard Hamilton (search for this): chapter 16
inst the advice of the Board of Trade, the assessment bill, which taxed the estates of the proprietaries, was made the subject of an informal capitulation between them and the agent of the people of Pennsylvania, and was included among those chap. XVI.} 1760. that were confirmed. There were two men in England whose interest in these transactions was especially memorable: Pitt, the secretary of state for America, and Edmund Burke, a man of letters, at that time in the service of William Gerard Hamilton, the colleague of Lord Halifax. Burke shared the opinions of the Board of Trade, that all the offensive acts of Pennsylvania should be rejected, and censured with severity the temporizing facility of Lord Mansfield as a feeble and unmanly surrender of just authority. The early life of Edmund Burke is not much known. I have seen a letter from John Pownall to Lieut. Gov. Colden of New York, dated 10 January, 1760, recommending Thomas Burke for the post of agent for that colony, a
Colohel Haviland (search for this): chapter 16
arcity, a disheartened, starving peasantry, the feeble remains of five or six battalions, wasted by incredible services, and not recruited from France, offered no opposition The party which was conducted from Crown Point towards Montreal, by Colohel Haviland, found the fort on Isle-aux-Noix deserted. Amherst himself led the main army of ten thousand men by way of Oswego; it is not easy to say why; for the labor of getting there was greater than that of proceeding directly upon Montreal. After passing the rapids, on the seventh of September he met before Montreal the army under Murray, who, as he came up from Quebec, had intimidated the people-and amused himself by now and then burning a village and hanging a Canadian. The next day, Haviland arrived with forces from Crown Point. Thus the three armies came together in overwhelming strength to take an open town of a few hundred inhabitants, which Vaudreuil had resolved to give up on the first appearance of the English; and on the eig
er of Lord Temple and George Grenville, he was able to write in June,—Join, my love, with me, in most humble and grateful thanks to the Almighty. The siege of Quebec was raised on the seventeenth of May, with every happy circumstance. The enemy left their camp standing, abandoned forty pieces of cannon. Swanton arrived there in the Vanguard on the fifteenth, and destroyed all the French shipping, six or seven in number. Happy, happy day! My joy and hurry are inexpressible. Pitt to Lady Hester, 27 June Amherst had been notified of the intended siege; chap. XVI.} 1760. but he persevered in the systematic and tardy plan which he had formed. When the spring opened, he had no difficulties to encounter in taking possession of Canada, but such as he himself should create. A country suffering from a four years scarcity, a disheartened, starving peasantry, the feeble remains of five or six battalions, wasted by incredible services, and not recruited from France, offered no oppos
Writings, VIII. 210. and he summoned before the mind of the Scottish philosopher that audience of innumerable millions which a century or two would prepare in America for all who should use English well. England cheerfully and proudly accepted the counsels which his magnanimity inspired. Promising herself wealth from colonial trade, she was also occupied by the thought of filling the wilderness, instructing it with the products of her intelligence, and blessing it with free institutions. Homer sang from isle to isle; the bards of England would find hear- chap. XVI.} 1760. ers in every zone, and in the admiration of genius continent respond to continent. Pitt would not weigh the West India islands against half a hemisphere; he desired to retain them both; but being overruled in the cabinet he held fast to Canada. The liberties of the English in America were his delight; he made it his glory to extend the boundaries throughout which they were to be enjoyed; and yet, at that ve
Ottawas, happy in a country fruitful of corn and abounding in game. As the Americans advanced triumphantly towards the realms where the native huntsman had chased the deer through the unbroken woodlands, they were met at the mouth of a river Rogers: Concise Account of North America, 240. Rogers: Journal, 214. The River was not the Cuyahoga, but one forty-six miles to the eastward of the river then called the Elk, and one hundred nine and a half miles to the eastward from Sandusky Bay. Howe's Ohio, 125. See the maps of Evans, 1755, and of T. Pownall, 1776. On parting from Pontiac, Rogers says he kept a southwesterly course for about forty-eight miles; which could not be done by a vessel sailing from Cleveland to Sandusky. Rogers seems not accurate, though professing to be so to the half or the quarter of a mile. The distances appear to refer to the Ashtabula River; the name Chogage to the Geauga. by a deputation of Ottawas from the west. Pontiac, said they, is the chief c
David Hume (search for this): chapter 16
from his love of English freedom and his truly American heart. Appealing also to the men of letters, he communed with David Hume on the jealousy of trade; and shared the more agreeable system of economy that promised to the world freedom of commerc great master of English historic style,—who by his natural character and deliberate opinion was at heart a republican, Hume's Correspondence in Burton's Life of Hume.—loved to promote by his writings that common good of mankind, which the AmericaHume.—loved to promote by his writings that common good of mankind, which the American, inventing a new form of expression, called the interest of humanity; Franklin to Hume, 27 Sept, 1760. Writings, VIII. 210. and he summoned before the mind of the Scottish philosopher that audience of innumerable millions which a century or two woHume, 27 Sept, 1760. Writings, VIII. 210. and he summoned before the mind of the Scottish philosopher that audience of innumerable millions which a century or two would prepare in America for all who should use English well. England cheerfully and proudly accepted the counsels which his magnanimity inspired. Promising herself wealth from colonial trade, she was also occupied by the thought of filling the wilde<
Thomas Hutchinson (search for this): chapter 16
and many times reiterated, that the independence of America was certain, and near at hand. Not for centuries, replied Hutchinson, who knew the strong affection of New England for the home of its fathers. See Hutchinson to T. Pownall, 8 March, 17Hutchinson to T. Pownall, 8 March, 1766, where Pownall is reminded of the prophecy. But the Lords of Trade shared the foreboding. In every province, the people, from design, or from their nature and position, seemed gradually confirming their sway. Virginia, once so orderly, had arnors had promised him a seat on the bench at the first vacancy. Oakes Angiers Journal, i. But Bernard appointed Thomas Hutchinson, originally a merchant by profession, subservient in his politics, already lieutenant governor, councillor, and judy and patriotism, respected for learning, ability, purity of life, and moderation, discerned the dangerous character of Hutchinson's ambition, and from this time denounced him openly and always; while James Otis, the younger, offended as a son and a
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