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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition.. Search the whole document.

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the acquisition of Canada was the chap. XVI.} 1760. prelude of American independence. England brve the privileges of his religion chap. XVI.} 1760. from being trampled under foot. How calmly, s Earl of Bath's Letter to Two Great Men, &c., 1760. The generous and wise sentiments of the Ea too populous to be governed by us chap. XVI.} 1760. at a distance. If Canada were annexed, the Amon, had confided his griefs to the chap. XVI.} 1760. Board of Trade, at the great change in the temd the opinion openly, that America chap. XVI.} 1760. should be compelled to yield a revenue at the e colonies, or even so much as ex- chap. XVI.} 1760. pressed an opinion that they were more in faulin himself. Gordon adds, that Pitt, in 1759 or 1760, wrote to Fauquier, of Virginia, that they shouns for want of such flags. Fauquier to Pitt, 1760. I have very many letters on this subject. In army, and for the support of that chap. XVI.} 1760. army a grant of an American revenue by a Briti[18 more...]
, seemed gradually confirming their sway. Virginia, once so orderly, had assumed the right of equitably adjusting the emoluments secured by law to the Church. In 1759, Sherlock, then Bishop of London, had confided his griefs to the chap. XVI.} 1760. Board of Trade, at the great change in the temper of the people of Virginia. lvania, and from the proprietaries themselves. The latter, therefore, in March, 1760, appealed to the king against seventeen acts that had been passed in 1758 and 1759, as equally affecting the royal prerogative, their chartered immunities, and their rights as men. When, in May, 1760, Franklin appeared with able counsel to defen against the colonies. This is erroneous. Pitt at that time had not even seen Franklin, as we know from a memoir by Franklin himself. Gordon adds, that Pitt, in 1759 or 1760, wrote to Fauquier, of Virginia, that they should tax the colonies when the war was over, and that Fauquier dissuaded from it. I have seen Fauquier's corre
v-ernor of New York. Compare Colden to Halifax, 11 August, 1760, and Golden to John Pownall, 12 August, 1761. In the neighboring province of New Jersey, Francis Bernard, as its governor, a royalist, selected for office by Halifax, had, from 1758, the time of his arrival in America, been brooding over the plans for enlarging royal power which he afterwards reduced to form. But Pennsylvania, of all the colonies, led the van of what the royalists called Democracy. Its Assembly succeeded in adopted the same policy. Already the negative had been wrested from the Council of Pennsylvania, and from the proprietaries themselves. The latter, therefore, in March, 1760, appealed to the king against seventeen acts that had been passed in 1758 and 1759, as equally affecting the royal prerogative, their chartered immunities, and their rights as men. When, in May, 1760, Franklin appeared with able counsel to defend the liberties of his adopted home before the Board of Trade, he was encou
orn and abounding in game. As the Americans advanced triumphantly towards the realms where the native huntsman had chased the deer through the unbroken woodlands, they were met at the mouth of a river Rogers: Concise Account of North America, 240. Rogers: Journal, 214. The River was not the Cuyahoga, but one forty-six miles to the eastward of the river then called the Elk, and one hundred nine and a half miles to the eastward from Sandusky Bay. Howe's Ohio, 125. See the maps of Evans, 1755, and of T. Pownall, 1776. On parting from Pontiac, Rogers says he kept a southwesterly course for about forty-eight miles; which could not be done by a vessel sailing from Cleveland to Sandusky. Rogers seems not accurate, though professing to be so to the half or the quarter of a mile. The distances appear to refer to the Ashtabula River; the name Chogage to the Geauga. by a deputation of Ottawas from the west. Pontiac, said they, is the chief chap. XVI.} 1760. and lord of the country y
March 8th, 1766 AD (search for this): chapter 16
the Governor of Massachusetts, a statesman who had generous feelings, but no logic, flashes of sagacity, but no clear comprehension, who from inclination associated with liberal men, even while he framed plans for strengthening the prerogative, affirmed, and many times reiterated, that the independence of America was certain, and near at hand. Not for centuries, replied Hutchinson, who knew the strong affection of New England for the home of its fathers. See Hutchinson to T. Pownall, 8 March, 1766, where Pownall is reminded of the prophecy. But the Lords of Trade shared the foreboding. In every province, the people, from design, or from their nature and position, seemed gradually confirming their sway. Virginia, once so orderly, had assumed the right of equitably adjusting the emoluments secured by law to the Church. In 1759, Sherlock, then Bishop of London, had confided his griefs to the chap. XVI.} 1760. Board of Trade, at the great change in the temper of the people of
. As the Americans advanced triumphantly towards the realms where the native huntsman had chased the deer through the unbroken woodlands, they were met at the mouth of a river Rogers: Concise Account of North America, 240. Rogers: Journal, 214. The River was not the Cuyahoga, but one forty-six miles to the eastward of the river then called the Elk, and one hundred nine and a half miles to the eastward from Sandusky Bay. Howe's Ohio, 125. See the maps of Evans, 1755, and of T. Pownall, 1776. On parting from Pontiac, Rogers says he kept a southwesterly course for about forty-eight miles; which could not be done by a vessel sailing from Cleveland to Sandusky. Rogers seems not accurate, though professing to be so to the half or the quarter of a mile. The distances appear to refer to the Ashtabula River; the name Chogage to the Geauga. by a deputation of Ottawas from the west. Pontiac, said they, is the chief chap. XVI.} 1760. and lord of the country you are in; wait till he c
January 10th, 1760 AD (search for this): chapter 16
Edmund Burke, a man of letters, at that time in the service of William Gerard Hamilton, the colleague of Lord Halifax. Burke shared the opinions of the Board of Trade, that all the offensive acts of Pennsylvania should be rejected, and censured with severity the temporizing facility of Lord Mansfield as a feeble and unmanly surrender of just authority. The early life of Edmund Burke is not much known. I have seen a letter from John Pownall to Lieut. Gov. Colden of New York, dated 10 January, 1760, recommending Thomas Burke for the post of agent for that colony, and describing him as a gentleman of honor, ability, and industry, who has particularly made the state and interest of our colonies his study. If this was meant for Edmund (and there appears to have been no one of the Burkes named Thomas), it would seem that the great orator was not then a person of importance enough for a patronizing secretary of the Board of Trade to remember his christian name. Edmund came to be agen
July, 1760 AD (search for this): chapter 16
e emoluments secured by law to the Church. In 1759, Sherlock, then Bishop of London, had confided his griefs to the chap. XVI.} 1760. Board of Trade, at the great change in the temper of the people of Virginia. It is surely high time, said he, to look about us and consider of the several steps lately taken to the diminution of the prerogative of the crown. The rights of the clergy and the authority of the king must stand or fall together. Connecticut, wrote a royalist Churchman, in July, 1760, to Seeker, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Connecticut is little more than a mere democracy; most of them upon a level, and each man thinking himself an able divine and politician; and to make them a good sort of people, he urged upon Halifax and Pitt, that the Church should be supported, and the charters of that colony, and of its eastward neighbors, be demolished. The present republican form of those governments was indeed pernicious. The people were rampant in their high notions of lib
emselves with alacrity. The women, and even the cripples, were set to light work. In the French army not a word would be listened to of the possibility of failure. But Pitt's sagacity had foreseen and prepared for all. A fleet at his bidding was on its way to relieve the city; and to his wife, the sister of Lord Temple and George Grenville, he was able to write in June,—Join, my love, with me, in most humble and grateful thanks to the Almighty. The siege of Quebec was raised on the seventeenth of May, with every happy circumstance. The enemy left their camp standing, abandoned forty pieces of cannon. Swanton arrived there in the Vanguard on the fifteenth, and destroyed all the French shipping, six or seven in number. Happy, happy day! My joy and hurry are inexpressible. Pitt to Lady Hester, 27 June Amherst had been notified of the intended siege; chap. XVI.} 1760. but he persevered in the systematic and tardy plan which he had formed. When the spring opened, he had no
. But Pitt's sagacity had foreseen and prepared for all. A fleet at his bidding was on its way to relieve the city; and to his wife, the sister of Lord Temple and George Grenville, he was able to write in June,—Join, my love, with me, in most humble and grateful thanks to the Almighty. The siege of Quebec was raised on the seventeenth of May, with every happy circumstance. The enemy left their camp standing, abandoned forty pieces of cannon. Swanton arrived there in the Vanguard on the fifteenth, and destroyed all the French shipping, six or seven in number. Happy, happy day! My joy and hurry are inexpressible. Pitt to Lady Hester, 27 June Amherst had been notified of the intended siege; chap. XVI.} 1760. but he persevered in the systematic and tardy plan which he had formed. When the spring opened, he had no difficulties to encounter in taking possession of Canada, but such as he himself should create. A country suffering from a four years scarcity, a disheartened, st
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