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February 22nd (search for this): chapter 13
al power, but they will certainly hate that power as tyrannical; and, as soon as they are able, will throw it off. Colonial opposition confidently appealed from acts of authority to the sanctity of law; from the bar, weekly papers came forth, which loyalists denounced as most licentious. Associations of lawyers, said Colden, in the impotence of despair, are the most dangerous of any next to the military, and he lamented that, as yet, the faction could not be crushed. Golden to Halifax, 22 Feb. and 27 April, 1765. Still New-York continued tranquil. New England, where the chief writer against the impending Stamp Act had admitted the jurisdiction of the British parliament, was slow to anger. The child of Old England, she was 10th to impute to the parent country a fixed design to subvert her rights. The patriot Hopkins of Rhode Island, had written, and that colony had chap. XIII.} 1765. April. authoritatively published their common belief, that the glorious constitution of
to a friend, 4 March, 1765: to R. Jackson, 5 May, 4 and 5 June, 1765. Yet the opposition to its execution was preparing, and in theory it was at once rejected. Should Great Britain tax Ireland, inquired a plain New England yeoman early in May, through chap. XIII.} 1765. May. the Providence Gazette, would it be thought a project of independence for that people to remonstrate? The northern colonies fall but little short of Ireland for numbers. Their inhabitants are not dependent on the people of Britain, nor the people of Britain on them, only that they are subjects of the same king. Providence Gazette, 11 May. In Boston, the annual election of representatives in May excited the passions of the people. Men called to mind the noble sentiments which had been interwoven into the body of the remonstrances of New-York; and compared them with the diffidence and want of spirit in the petition which the arts of Hutchinson had prevailed on the legislature of Massachusetts Bay t
f State, 10 Oct. 1765. Nor did the result seem doubtful. There could be no danger but from union; and no two colonies, said he, think alike; there is no uniformity of measures; the bundle of sticks thus separated will be easily broken. The Stamp Act, he assured the ministry, five weeks after the news of its passage, is received among us with as much decency as could be expected; it leaves no room for evasion, and will execute itself. Hutchinson to a friend, 4 March, 1765: to R. Jackson, 5 May, 4 and 5 June, 1765. Yet the opposition to its execution was preparing, and in theory it was at once rejected. Should Great Britain tax Ireland, inquired a plain New England yeoman early in May, through chap. XIII.} 1765. May. the Providence Gazette, would it be thought a project of independence for that people to remonstrate? The northern colonies fall but little short of Ireland for numbers. Their inhabitants are not dependent on the people of Britain, nor the people of Britain
d in theory it was at once rejected. Should Great Britain tax Ireland, inquired a plain New England yeoman early in May, through chap. XIII.} 1765. May. the Providence Gazette, would it be thought a project of independence for that people to remonstrate? The northern colonies fall but little short of Ireland for numbers. Their inhabitants are not dependent on the people of Britain, nor the people of Britain on them, only that they are subjects of the same king. Providence Gazette, 11 May. In Boston, the annual election of representatives in May excited the passions of the people. Men called to mind the noble sentiments which had been interwoven into the body of the remonstrances of New-York; and compared them with the diffidence and want of spirit in the petition which the arts of Hutchinson had prevailed on the legislature of Massachusetts Bay to accept. They were embittered at the thought that they had been cajoled into forbearing to claim exemption from taxation as a ri
wore the cloak of a fool and a madman; the only cloak a man of true honor and spirit condescends to put on. And to merited reproaches he answered like one who was broken-hearted and could find no consolation: Tell me, my once dear friends, what I have got by all this, besides the curse causeless chap. XIII.} 1765. May. of thousands, for whose welfare my heart has bled yearly, and is now ready to burst? James Otis: To the Freeholders and other inhabitants of Boston. In Boston Gazette, 13 May. Were it lawful to get at the cause of all your calamities, I would leap like the roe to purchase your ransom with my life or his. The town of Boston remained faithful to the most genial of its patriots; and though his conduct was often wild, and wayward, and contradictory, never failed to show him honor, so long as he retained enough of the light of reason to be sensible of its confidence. Thus opinion was fermenting at the North, but as yet without a declared purpose in action. Vi
the house, while Henry, fixing his eye on the first interrupter, continued without faltering, may profit by their example! Letter from Virginia, 14 June, 1765. In the London Gazetteer of 13 Aug. 1765; and in General Advertiser to New-York Thursday's Gazette, 31 Oct. 1765. Swayed by his words, the committee of the whole showed its good will to the spirit of all the resolutions enumerated; but the five offered by Patrick Henry were alone reported to the house, and on Thursday, the thirtieth of May, having been adopted by small majorities, the fifth by a vote of twenty to nineteen, they became a part of the public record. I would have given five hundred guineas for a single vote, Jefferson to Wirt. exclaimed the Attorney-General, aloud, as he came out past young Jefferson, into whose youthful soul the proceedings of that day sunk so deeply, that resistance to tyranny became a part of his nature. But Henry carried all the young members with him. Fauquier to Lords of Trade,
ed Otis and two others of their own members to repair to New York accordingly. At the same time the province increased its strength by perseverance in appropriating annually fifty thousand pounds towards discharging its debt; and so good was its credit, and so affluent its people, that the interest on the remaining debt was reduced from six to five per cent. by a public subscription among themselves. Bernard to Lords of Trade, 15 July, 1765. Simultaneously, in the very first days of June, and before the proceedings in Virginia and Massachusetts were known in New-York, where the re-print of the Stamp Act was hawked about the streets as the Folly of England and the ruin of America, a Freeman of that town, discussing the policy of Grenville, and the arguments on which it rested, demonstrated that they were leading alike to the reform of the British parliament and the independence of America. It is not the tax, said he, it is the unconstitutional manner of imposing it, t
now be prosecuted to its utmost completion; that submission to the decrees of the supreme legislature, to which all other powers in the British empire were subordinate, chap. XIII.} 1765. May. was the duty and the interest of the colonies; that this supreme legislature, the parliament of Great Britain, was happily the sanctuary of liberty and justice; and that the prince who presided over it realized the idea of a patriot king. Contrary to usage, the house made no reply; but on the sixth of June, James Otis, Diary of Ezra Stiles. Tenth Toast at Liberty Tree, 14 Aug. 1766. The late Alden Bradford the informed me, that Mrs. Warren, of Plymouth, who was the sister of Otis, told him the proposal was planned at her house, on the return of Otis from a visit to Barnstable. The impulse was given in Boston Instructions of 1764. of Boston, in single-minded wisdom, advised the calling of an American Congress, which should come together without asking the consent of the king, and shou
nister, the representatives of Massachusetts shared the creative instinct of Otis. Avoiding every expression of a final judgment, and insuring unanimity by even refusing Brigadier Ruggle's Reasons, &c. to consider the question of their exclusive right to originate measures of internal taxation, they sent letters to every chap. XIII.} 1765. May. assembly on the continent, proposing that committees of the several assemblies should meet at New-York, on the first Tuesday of the following October, to consult together, and consider of a united representation to implore relief. They also elected Otis and two others of their own members to repair to New York accordingly. At the same time the province increased its strength by perseverance in appropriating annually fifty thousand pounds towards discharging its debt; and so good was its credit, and so affluent its people, that the interest on the remaining debt was reduced from six to five per cent. by a public subscription among the
erty and justice; and that the prince who presided over it realized the idea of a patriot king. Contrary to usage, the house made no reply; but on the sixth of June, James Otis, Diary of Ezra Stiles. Tenth Toast at Liberty Tree, 14 Aug. 1766. The late Alden Bradford the informed me, that Mrs. Warren, of Plymouth, who was the sister of Otis, told him the proposal was planned at her house, on the return of Otis from a visit to Barnstable. The impulse was given in Boston Instructions of 1764. of Boston, in single-minded wisdom, advised the calling of an American Congress, which should come together without asking the consent of the king, and should consist of committees from each of the thirteen colonies, to be appointed respectively by the delegates of the people, without regard to the other branches of the legislature. Such an assembly had never existed; and the purpose of deliberating upon the acts of parliament was equally novel. The tories sneered Letter from Boston in
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