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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. Search the whole document.

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Edmund Gill (search for this): chapter 20
Stamp Act or its abettors. Before the year was up, Mott, one of the New-York Committee of Correspondence, arrived with others at New London, bringing a letter from Isaac Sears, and charged to ascertain how far New England would adopt the same covenant. If the great men are determined to enforce the Act, said John Adams, on New Year's day, on some 1766 Jan vague news from New-York, they will find it a more obstinate war than the conquest of Canada and Louisiana. Great Sir, said Edes and Gill through their newspaper to the king, printing the message in large letters, Great Sir, Retreat or you are ruined. None, said the press of Philadelphia, in words widely diffused, none in this day of liberty will say, that duty binds us to yield obedience to any man or body of men, forming part of the British constitution, when they exceed the limits prescribed by that constitution. The Stamp Act is unconstitutional, and no more obligatory than a decree of the Divan of Turkey. Encouraged
Baker (search for this): chapter 20
a long way to extend them. Especially it is observable that Lord George Sackville, just rescued from disgrace by Rockingham, manifested his desire to enforce the Stamp Act. Letter from London of Dec. 22 and 24, 1765, in Boston Gaz. 17 Feb. 1766. Chatham Corr. II. 352. The amendment was withdrawn, but when three days later Grenville divided the house on a question of adjourning to the ninth instead of the fourteenth of January, he had only thirty-five votes against seventy-seven. Baker, in the debate, called his motion insolent, and chid him as the author of all the trouble in America; but he threw the blame from himself upon the parliament. Out of doors there was a great deal of clamor, that repealing the Stamp Act would be a surrender chap. XX.} 1765. Dec. of sovereignty; and that the question was, shall the Americans, submit to us, or we to them? But others held the attempt at coercion to be the ruinous side of the dilemma. While England was still in this conditi
Hardwicke (search for this): chapter 20
way, 6 Dec. and he urged for it deliberation, candor, and temper. He was highly provoked Conway to Gage, 15 Dec. by the riots in New-York; and the surrender of the stamps to the municipality of the city seemed to him greatly humiliating. He watched with extreme anxiety the preliminary meeting of the friends of the ministry; and when the day for opening parliament came, he was impatient to receive a minute report of all that should occur. Geo. III. to Conway, 7 Dec. The Earl of Hardwicke, Hugh Hammersley to Lieut. Gov. Sharpe, Dec. 1765, gives a very good report of the debate. Compare Philimore's Lyttelton, II. 687. himself opposed to the lenity of Rockingham, Albemarle, i. 284. moved the address in the House of Lords, pledging the House to bring to the consideration of the state of affairs in America, a resolution to do every thing which the exigency of the case might require. The Earl of Suffolk, a young man of five-and-twenty, proposed to express indignation at
James Otis (search for this): chapter 20
onies were proceeding with their system of resistance. If they do not repeal the Stamp Act, said Otis, who, nine months before had counselled submission, and who now shared and led the most excited o the instance of a committee of which Samuel Adams was the chief, had joined him with Gridley and Otis, to sustain their memorial to the Governor and Council for opening the courts; and he resolved t, therefore, it ought to be waived by the judges as against natural equity and the constitution. Otis reasoned with great learning and zeal on the duties and obligations of judges. Gridley dwelt on nts of law. On Saturday, the town voted the answer unsatisfactory. Ever fertile in resources, Otis instantly proposed to invite the governor to call a convention of the members of both houses of tischarged from our allegiance. The ligaments of government are dissolved, the throne abdicated. Otis, quoting Grotius and the English lawyers, of 1688, assured the public, that If a king lets the af
Gridley (search for this): chapter 20
ng of the next day, as John Adams sat ruminating in his humble mansion at Quincy, on the interruption of his career as a lawyer, a message came, that Boston, at the instance of a committee of which Samuel Adams was the chief, had joined him with Gridley and Otis, to sustain their memorial to the Governor and Council for opening the courts; and he resolved to exert the utmost of his abilities in the chap. XX.} 1765. Dec. cause. It fell to him, on the evening of the twentieth, to begin the arge are not represented, had no legal authority to impose it; and, therefore, it ought to be waived by the judges as against natural equity and the constitution. Otis reasoned with great learning and zeal on the duties and obligations of judges. Gridley dwelt on the inconveniences that would ensue on the interruption of justice. Many of the arguments, said Bernard, in reply, are very good ones to be used before the judges, but there is no precedent for the interference of the governor and co
Gower (search for this): chapter 20
esbury and Locke, were found impracticable, and are now grown obsolete. The Romans planted colonies to increase their power; we to extend our commerce. Let the regiments in America, at Halifax, or Pensacola, embark at once upon the same destination, and no intervening accident disappoint the expedition, what could be effected against colonies so populous, and of such magnitude and extent? The colonies may be ruined first, but the distress will end with ourselves But Halifax, Sandwich, Gower, even Temple, Lyttelton, and Bedford, firmly supported the amendment of Suffolk. Protection, without dependence and obedience, they joined in saying, is a solecism in politics. The connection between Great Britain and her colonies is that of parent and child. For the parent not to correct the undutiful child would argue weakness. The duty to enforce obedience cannot be given up, because the relation cannot be destroyed. The king cannot sepa- chap. XX.} 1765. Dec. rate his colo
British Americans (search for this): chapter 20
e consulted, and yet they postponed its meeting for the transaction of business, till there had been time to see if the Stamp Act would indeed execute itself. To Franklin, who was unwearied in his efforts to promote its repeal, no hope was given of relief; and though the committee of merchants, who on the twelfth day of December waited on Rockingham, Dowdeswell, chap. XX.} 1765. Dec. Conway, and Dartmouth, were received with dispassionate calmness, it was announced that the right to tax Americans could never be given up; and that a suspension was the most that could be expected. Letter from London of 14 Dec. 1765, in Boston Gazette, 24 Feb. 1766. Compare T. Pownall to Hutchinson, 3 Dec. 1765, and a letter of Franklin of 6 Jan. 1766. The successive accounts from America grieved the king more and more. Where this spirit will end, said he, is not to be said. It is undoubtedly the most serious matter that ever came before parliament, Geo. III. to Conway, 6 Dec. and he urg
Isaac Sears (search for this): chapter 20
be of no avail, America must unite and prepare for resistance. In New-York, on Christmas day, the lovers of liberty pledged themselves to march with all dispatch, at their own costs and expense, on the first proper notice, with their whole force, if required, to the relief of those who should, or might be, in danger from the Stamp Act or its abettors. Before the year was up, Mott, one of the New-York Committee of Correspondence, arrived with others at New London, bringing a letter from Isaac Sears, and charged to ascertain how far New England would adopt the same covenant. If the great men are determined to enforce the Act, said John Adams, on New Year's day, on some 1766 Jan vague news from New-York, they will find it a more obstinate war than the conquest of Canada and Louisiana. Great Sir, said Edes and Gill through their newspaper to the king, printing the message in large letters, Great Sir, Retreat or you are ruined. None, said the press of Philadelphia, in words wide
Grotius (search for this): chapter 20
f both houses of the legislature; if the governor should refuse, then to call one themselves, by requesting all the members to meet; and John Adams came round to this opinion. The king, thus the young lawyer reasoned, on returning to his own fireside, the king is the fountain of justice. Protection and allegiance are reciprocal. If we are out of the king's protection, we are discharged from our allegiance. The ligaments of government are dissolved, the throne abdicated. Otis, quoting Grotius and the English lawyers, of 1688, assured the public, that If a king lets the affairs of a state run into disorder and confusion, his conduct is a real abdication; that unless business should proceed as usual, there would be a release of subjects from their chap. XX.} 1765. Dec. allegiance. If patient entreaty was to be of no avail, America must unite and prepare for resistance. In New-York, on Christmas day, the lovers of liberty pledged themselves to march with all dispatch, at thei
England (search for this): chapter 20
ry had not been changed, Richard Rigby, Force: Am. Archives, i. 76. the leader of the Bedford party, long persisted in asserting, the stamp tax would have been collected in America with as much ease as the land-tax in Great Britain. The king had dismissed from power the only ministry bent resolutely on enforcing it; and, while America was united, his heart was divided between a morbid anxiety to execute the law, and his wish never again to employ Bedford and Grenville. The opinion of England was as fluctuating as the mind of the king. The overbearing aristocracy desired some reduction of the land tax at the expense of Ame- chap. XX.} 1765. Dec. rica; and sordid politicians, accustomed to hold provincial offices by deputy, or to dispose of them to their friends, wished to increase the value of their patronage by maintaining this absolute supremacy at all hazards. The industrial classes were satisfied with the monopoly of her market. The maritime and manufacturing towns in t
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