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of a negotiation in order to accommodate the unhappy disputes subsisting between Great Britain and the colonies, and that this be made a part of the petition to the king. A negotiation once begun, said Golden, on hearing the news, will give the people time to cool and feel the consequence of what they have already done, before the whole colonies become equally desperate. The dangerous proposal produced a warm debate, which, at the adjournment, was not concluded. On the morning of the twenty-sixth, the delegates from New Jersey presented the vote of the assembly of that colony, refusing to consider Lord North's proposition as contained in the resolution of the house of commons, and consigning the subject to the continental congress. The communication was referred to the committee of the whole; which was thus officially in possession of the offer of the minister. The debate of the preceding day was renewed, and the timid party prevailed. The committee rose and submitted their re
ble for Great Britain and safe for the colonies; and that neither king, nor ministry, nor parliament, nor the nation, Chap. XXXVI.} 1775. May. would admit of further relaxation; but that a perfectly united ministry would, if necessary, employ the whole force of the kingdom to reduce the rebellious and refractory provinces and colonies. The arrogance of the language in which this ultimatum was couched, should have ensured its prompt and unanimous rejection, and have nerved congress to immediate decision. But it was laid on the table of the body, which was bent on a petition to the king, and a negotiation with his ministers. The month of May went by, and congress had not so much as given to Massachusetts its advice that that province should institute a government of its own; it authorized no invasion of Canada, and only yielded its assent to the act of Connecticut in garrisoning Ticonderoga and Crown Point. If great measures are to be adopted, the impulse must come from without.
as the spirit of the continental con- Chap. XXXVI.} 1775 May. gress. The unexpected outbreak of war compelle and the precipitate retreat of Percy, Chap. XXXVI} 1775. May. which he thought might convince Lord Sandwich postponed the irrevocable decree and Chap. XXXVI.} 1775. May. still longed that the necessity for it might pinions, and open in expressing them, Chap. XXXVI.} 1775. May. he betrayed no desire to rule the intention oss could be made in authorizing vigor- Chap XXXVI.} 1775. May. ous measures of defence, until the long delibr report; upon which it was resolved, Chap. XXXVI.} 1775. May. that for the purpose of preserving the coloniuing his revolted subjects. They di- Chap. XXXVI.} 1775. May. rected preparations for defence, and yet theye common welfare; but no adequate mo- Chap. XXXVI.} 1775. May. tive for rising was set before them. As the stry, nor parliament, nor the nation, Chap. XXXVI.} 1775. May. would admit of further relaxation; but that a
and Harrison, of Virginia, who was classed among the conservative members, conducted him to the chair, saying: We will show Britain how much we value her proscriptions. For the proscription or Samuel Adams and Hancock had long been known, though it had not yet been proclaimed. No progress could be made in authorizing vigor- Chap XXXVI.} 1775. May. ous measures of defence, until the long deliberations in the committee of the whole had resulted in a compromise. Then, on Thursday, the twenty-fifth, directions were given to the provincial congress in New York to preserve the communication between the city of New York and the country, by fortifying posts at the upper end of the island, near King's Bridge, and on each side of Hudson river, in the Highlands. A post was also to be taken at or near Lake George. On that same day, while Howe, Clinton and Burgoyne were entering Boston harbor, Duane, a delegate from New York, moved in the committee of the whole, the opening of a negotiat
n of a united people. Dickinson, therefore, for the time, exercised an unbounded sway over the deliberations of congress, and had no cause to fear an effective opposition, when he seconded the motion of Jay for one more petition to the king. For a succession of days the state of the colonies continued to be the subject of earnest discussion; but through all the vacillations of hesitancy, the determination to sustain Massachusetts was never for a moment in doubt. This appeared on the twenty-fourth. On that day the chair of the president becoming vacant by the departure of Peyton Randolph for the legislature of Virginia, John Hancock, of Massachusetts, was elected unanimously in his stead, and Harrison, of Virginia, who was classed among the conservative members, conducted him to the chair, saying: We will show Britain how much we value her proscriptions. For the proscription or Samuel Adams and Hancock had long been known, though it had not yet been proclaimed. No progress co
on of the inhabitants of that city against the invasion of troops, alleging as a reason that it was very uncertain whether their earnest endeavors to accommodate the unhappy differences between Great Britain and the colonies, by conciliatory measures, would be successful. The support of the Canadians was also entreated, for it was recognised that the impending conflict was not a war of protestantism, but of humanity. On the first day of May, the Quebec act went into effect; and on the twenty-ninth, the American congress, by the hand of Jay, addressed the Canadians: We most sincerely condole with you on the arrival of that day, in the course of which the sun could not shine on a single freeman in all your extensive dominions. By the introduction of your present form of government, or rather present form of tyranny, you and your wives and your children are made slaves. Appeals were also directed to their pride, their affection for France, their courage, and their regard for the co
nd with vigorous perseverance to embody men for the protection of the inhabitants of that city against the invasion of troops, alleging as a reason that it was very uncertain whether their earnest endeavors to accommodate the unhappy differences between Great Britain and the colonies, by conciliatory measures, would be successful. The support of the Canadians was also entreated, for it was recognised that the impending conflict was not a war of protestantism, but of humanity. On the first day of May, the Quebec act went into effect; and on the twenty-ninth, the American congress, by the hand of Jay, addressed the Canadians: We most sincerely condole with you on the arrival of that day, in the course of which the sun could not shine on a single freeman in all your extensive dominions. By the introduction of your present form of government, or rather present form of tyranny, you and your wives and your children are made slaves. Appeals were also directed to their pride, their affec
May, 1775 AD (search for this): chapter 37
Chapter 36: Congress offers to negotiate with the king. May, 1775. far different was the spirit of the continental con- Chap. XXXVI.} 1775 May. gress. The unexpected outbreak of war compelled them to adopt some system of defence; but many of its members still blinded themselves with the hope of reconciliation, and no measure for the vigorous prosecution of hostilities could be carried with unanimity, except after the concession of a second petition to the king. Washington foresaw the long and bloody contest which must precede the successful vindication of the liberties of America. Before the excursion to Concord he had avowed to his friends his full intention to devote his life and fortune to the cause; and he manifested his conviction of the imminence of danger by appearing at the debates in his uniform as an officer. He had read with indignation the taunts uttered in parliament on the courage of his countrymen; he now took a personal pride in the rising of New E
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