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Antigua (Antigua and Barbuda) (search for this): chapter 11
all Esq., drowned June 8, 1768. London, A Negro Man of the Widow Mary Bradshaw's Died Oct. 15, 1760. Caesar, Negro Servant of Ebenezar Brooks of Medford and Zipporah negro Servant of Nathl Brown of Charlestown, married June 23, 1757. As would be inferred, the number of slave owners was not large, and they were the leading men of the town: the Halls, Brookses and Willises, Dr. Simon Tufts, Rev. Mr. Turrell, and, above all, Col. Isaac Royall. This first Royall brought with him from Antigua a number of slaves and in 1737 petitioned that the duty on them be abated, but no further action than to lay it on the table was taken. He probably had at least fifteen at a time, and the slave-quarters, so-called, have become an object of considerable historical interest. The entire number of persons holding slaves in the last half of the 18th century probably did not exceed thirty, the town records giving, indirectly, the names of twenty. Partial list of slaveholders: Capt. Caleb Br
Barbados (Barbados) (search for this): chapter 11
Slavery in Medford. by Walter H. Cushing. Slavery existed in Massachusetts almost from the first settlement of the colony, and was somewhat increased as a result of the Pequot war in 1637. The slaves in this instance were, of course, Indians. The chief source of African slaves, so far as their importation is concerned, was through trade with Barbadoes, a British island in the West Indies. Slaves purchased in Africa were sold chiefly in the West Indies and the Southern colonies; the balance came North. The mainspring of the traffic was rum; and Brooks in his History of Medford gives an extract from a captain's account-book showing balance between rum and slaves. Very few whole cargoes, however, came to Massachusetts; and only a small number of ships from Boston engaged in the African trade. In 1703 a duty of £ 4 was imposed on every negro imported. Slaves were most numerous in Massachusetts about 1745; in 1763 the ratio of whites to blacks, the latter including many fr
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
Slavery in Medford. by Walter H. Cushing. Slavery existed in Massachusetts almost from the first settlement of the colony, and was somewhat increased as a result of the Pequot war in 1637. Theunt-book showing balance between rum and slaves. Very few whole cargoes, however, came to Massachusetts; and only a small number of ships from Boston engaged in the African trade. In 1703 a duty of £ 4 was imposed on every negro imported. Slaves were most numerous in Massachusetts about 1745; in 1763 the ratio of whites to blacks, the latter including many free negroes, was 45: 1. When tnot mentioned as cause of slavery; and in fact no person was ever born into legal slavery in Massachusetts. In the Constitution of Massachusetts, adopted in 1780, it is declared that all men are bMassachusetts, adopted in 1780, it is declared that all men are born free and equal. This was the doom of slavery; and the interpretation of this clause in the case of Commonwealth v. Jennison settled finally the freedom of the negro in this State. In proport
Halifax (Canada) (search for this): chapter 11
t large was 45:1, it is seen that Medford had an unusually large negro population. So far as I have found records, a strong, able-bodied negro was worth, in 1700, about £ 18. In the inventory of Maj. Jonathan Wade's property appears the following asset: 5 negroes£ 97; and elsewhere in his papers is the record: 2 negroes that died appraised @ £ 35. Still, it is impossible to generalize from such insufficient data. After the beginning of hostilities in 1775 Colonel Royall departed for Nova Scotia, and Dr. Tufts for a while managed his property. Under date of March 12, 1776, Royal writes: Please to sell the following negroes; Stephen and George; they each cost £ 60 sterling; and I would take £ 50, or even £ 15, apiece for them. George had died the day before this letter was written. Hagar cost £ 35 sterling, but I will take £ 30 for her. I gave for Mira £ 35, but will take £ 25. If Mr. Benjamin Hall will give the £ 100 for her which he offered, he may have her, it being a g
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 11
n Massachusetts about 1745; in 1763 the ratio of whites to blacks, the latter including many free negroes, was 45: 1. When the Massachusetts Body of Liberties was drawn up in 1641, the question of slavery was treated as follows: Art. 91. There shall never be any bond-slavery, villanage, or captivity amongst us, unless it be lawful captives taken in just wars, and such strangers as willingly sell themselves, or are sold to us. Commenting on this article, Palfrey, in his History of New England, says: Born of slave mother is not mentioned as cause of slavery; and in fact no person was ever born into legal slavery in Massachusetts. In the Constitution of Massachusetts, adopted in 1780, it is declared that all men are born free and equal. This was the doom of slavery; and the interpretation of this clause in the case of Commonwealth v. Jennison settled finally the freedom of the negro in this State. In proportion to its size Medford seems to have had a large number of slav
Simon Tufts (search for this): chapter 11
35. Still, it is impossible to generalize from such insufficient data. After the beginning of hostilities in 1775 Colonel Royall departed for Nova Scotia, and Dr. Tufts for a while managed his property. Under date of March 12, 1776, Royal writes: Please to sell the following negroes; Stephen and George; they each cost £ 60 sterune 23, 1757. As would be inferred, the number of slave owners was not large, and they were the leading men of the town: the Halls, Brookses and Willises, Dr. Simon Tufts, Rev. Mr. Turrell, and, above all, Col. Isaac Royall. This first Royall brought with him from Antigua a number of slaves and in 1737 petitioned that the dutyThomas Brooks,—Bishop,—Brown, Mary Bradshaw, Andrew Hall, Jonathan Hall, Jr., Stephen Hall, Benj. Hall, Hugh Floyd, Jacob Polly, Zachariah Pool, Isaac Royall, Dr. Simon Tufts, Rev. Mr. Turrell, Stephen Willis, Deacon Benj. Willis, Francis Whitmore. Not that our ancestors believed it wrong; the names of Rev. Mr. Turrell and Deacon B
Ebenezer Turell (search for this): chapter 11
us are the deaths; the fewest are the marriages. As the master's name is given in many cases, these records also throw light on the question of slave-holders in Medford. About 40 deaths are recorded between 1745 and 1780. It is rather curious that three of Colonel Royall's slaves died within a year, at the outbreak of the Revolution. Perhaps they were heartbroken at his departure. A few entries are given here by way of illustration: Peter, Son of Worcester & Flora, Negroes of Rev. Mr. Turell and Stephen Hall, Esq., Dyed Jan. 9, 1762. Plato, a Negro Servant of Hon. Isaac Royall Esq., drowned June 8, 1768. London, A Negro Man of the Widow Mary Bradshaw's Died Oct. 15, 1760. Caesar, Negro Servant of Ebenezar Brooks of Medford and Zipporah negro Servant of Nathl Brown of Charlestown, married June 23, 1757. As would be inferred, the number of slave owners was not large, and they were the leading men of the town: the Halls, Brookses and Willises, Dr. Simon Tufts, Rev
Turrell (search for this): chapter 11
As would be inferred, the number of slave owners was not large, and they were the leading men of the town: the Halls, Brookses and Willises, Dr. Simon Tufts, Rev. Mr. Turrell, and, above all, Col. Isaac Royall. This first Royall brought with him from Antigua a number of slaves and in 1737 petitioned that the duty on them be abatehop,—Brown, Mary Bradshaw, Andrew Hall, Jonathan Hall, Jr., Stephen Hall, Benj. Hall, Hugh Floyd, Jacob Polly, Zachariah Pool, Isaac Royall, Dr. Simon Tufts, Rev. Mr. Turrell, Stephen Willis, Deacon Benj. Willis, Francis Whitmore. Not that our ancestors believed it wrong; the names of Rev. Mr. Turrell and Deacon Benj. Willis wouldRev. Mr. Turrell and Deacon Benj. Willis would refute that. But economically it was unprofitable, and its ultimate extinction was doubtless the expectation of all who gave the subject any thought. I have referred to Deacon Benj. Willis as a slaveholder. The following extract from his will may show the attitude of many masters towards those whom they held in service:
Jonathan Wade (search for this): chapter 11
tal 10414716115020722349790 The negroes thus constituted one-sixteenth of the population of the town in 1765. By way of comparison it may be added that in 1822 Medford had 1,474 inhabitants; in 57 years it had failed to double its population. As the ratio of whites to blacks in the colony at large was 45:1, it is seen that Medford had an unusually large negro population. So far as I have found records, a strong, able-bodied negro was worth, in 1700, about £ 18. In the inventory of Maj. Jonathan Wade's property appears the following asset: 5 negroes£ 97; and elsewhere in his papers is the record: 2 negroes that died appraised @ £ 35. Still, it is impossible to generalize from such insufficient data. After the beginning of hostilities in 1775 Colonel Royall departed for Nova Scotia, and Dr. Tufts for a while managed his property. Under date of March 12, 1776, Royal writes: Please to sell the following negroes; Stephen and George; they each cost £ 60 sterling; and I would take
Jonathan Watson (search for this): chapter 11
Leave and not on Their master's business shall be Taken up and whiped Ten Stripes on Their Naked back by any freeholder of This Town and be carryed To Their Respective masters and ye Said Master shall be obliged to Pay the Sum of Two shillings and Six pence in money To ye said Person That shall so Do. On the other hand, the spiritual welfare of the slaves was not neglected. Before 1740 special seats in the meeting-house were provided; and at a Town meeting in 1741 it was voted that Jonathan Watson with the advice of the selectmen do make sum more convenience for the negroes to sit in the meeting house. The same meeting, it is to be noticed in passing, declined to make the School house more comfortable for the winter. In 1745 the question of straying negroes again came up. The vote of this year differs from that of 1734 in three respects: (1) a specific part of the day is named; (2) the punishment is not inflicted by the person finding the slave; (3) the money fine is omitted.
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