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John Quincy Adams (search for this): article 1
that man could and would be free. He maintained that Virginia was the first to exercise the right of secession. On the 15th of May, 1776, before the Declaration of Independence, Virginia met, without consulting with the Border States, or asking anybody what she should do, and in the plenitude of her sovereignty and in the depth of her patriotism, severed her connection with Great British and exercised the right of secession.--Thus it was Virginia doctrine. It was referred to by John Quincy Adams, and applied as an argument in favor of the right of sovereignty. But a second time she exercised her sovereign right, by inaugurating the movement by which, in 1787, the Federal Constitution was amended, and the Articles of Confederation revised so as to render them adequate to the exigencies of the States and to the Government of the Union. And yet we hear gentlemen denouncing the Convention at Montgomery for pursuing a similar course. Mr. Carlile asked if he understood the ge
f the constituents of the Federal Government, has a right to judge for herself as to the mode and measure of redress, and never merged her individuality and sovereignty into the Government at Washington. He quoted from Madison's writings to demonstrate that a breach of the compact on the one side absolves the other, and that the compact might be then broken up. It was the principle of the individuality of the States that broke up the old articles of confederation. It was the doctrine of Mr. Madison that when we, as the people of Virginia, failed in all other efforts for redress of the grievances, we had the right to denounce the Federal Government and resume our powers of sovereignty. He also read the opinions of Randolph, Pendleton, Nicholas, and other founders of Republican liberty in Virginia, to sustain the position which he laid down. If he was to be denounced as a traitor, let it be for proclaiming and upholding the principles laid down by these fathers, whose opinions he ha
all other efforts for redress of the grievances, we had the right to denounce the Federal Government and resume our powers of sovereignty. He also read the opinions of Randolph, Pendleton, Nicholas, and other founders of Republican liberty in Virginia, to sustain the position which he laid down. If he was to be denounced as a traitor, let it be for proclaiming and upholding the principles laid down by these fathers, whose opinions he had read. [Applause in the eastern gallery.] The Chairman.--The Sergeant-at-Arms will clear the gallery. The order was obeyed, the sovereigns there assembled reserving the right to make another demonstration as they retired. Mr. Wise desired to know how long this order would last? The Chairman was not aware of any limit to it. Mr. Wise had asked the question because he wanted to ascertain the effect of it. There were many respectable citizens in the gallery who, he was sure, took no part in the disorder, while he believed that
May 15th, 1776 AD (search for this): article 1
sneered at by gentlemen on this floor as ridiculous and absurd, and those who advocated it had been denounced as traitors. In his own remarks he intended to be courteous and respectful to all. He believed the day was not far distant when every one here, and the whole people of Virginia, would rally to the defence of the rights of the State, and show to the world that man could and would be free. He maintained that Virginia was the first to exercise the right of secession. On the 15th of May, 1776, before the Declaration of Independence, Virginia met, without consulting with the Border States, or asking anybody what she should do, and in the plenitude of her sovereignty and in the depth of her patriotism, severed her connection with Great British and exercised the right of secession.--Thus it was Virginia doctrine. It was referred to by John Quincy Adams, and applied as an argument in favor of the right of sovereignty. But a second time she exercised her sovereign right, by ina
order was obeyed, the sovereigns there assembled reserving the right to make another demonstration as they retired. Mr. Wise desired to know how long this order would last? The Chairman was not aware of any limit to it. Mr. Wise had asMr. Wise had asked the question because he wanted to ascertain the effect of it. There were many respectable citizens in the gallery who, he was sure, took no part in the disorder, while he believed that some on this floor and participate in it. He thought it hard ish individuals who were engaged in it. He supposed the gallery could be again thrown open after a reasonable time. Mr. Wise asked if they could return immediately? He would like to know how long a reasonable time was? The colloquy here tend his remarks for a moment, while the Sergeant-at-Arms again cleared the gallery and the lobby. Mr. Macfarland and Mr. Wise appealed to the Chair to withdraw the order, which the Chair consented to do, alluding to the pain which it gave him to
Pendleton (search for this): article 1
demonstrate that a breach of the compact on the one side absolves the other, and that the compact might be then broken up. It was the principle of the individuality of the States that broke up the old articles of confederation. It was the doctrine of Mr. Madison that when we, as the people of Virginia, failed in all other efforts for redress of the grievances, we had the right to denounce the Federal Government and resume our powers of sovereignty. He also read the opinions of Randolph, Pendleton, Nicholas, and other founders of Republican liberty in Virginia, to sustain the position which he laid down. If he was to be denounced as a traitor, let it be for proclaiming and upholding the principles laid down by these fathers, whose opinions he had read. [Applause in the eastern gallery.] The Chairman.--The Sergeant-at-Arms will clear the gallery. The order was obeyed, the sovereigns there assembled reserving the right to make another demonstration as they retired. Mr
George W. Randolph (search for this): article 1
writings to demonstrate that a breach of the compact on the one side absolves the other, and that the compact might be then broken up. It was the principle of the individuality of the States that broke up the old articles of confederation. It was the doctrine of Mr. Madison that when we, as the people of Virginia, failed in all other efforts for redress of the grievances, we had the right to denounce the Federal Government and resume our powers of sovereignty. He also read the opinions of Randolph, Pendleton, Nicholas, and other founders of Republican liberty in Virginia, to sustain the position which he laid down. If he was to be denounced as a traitor, let it be for proclaiming and upholding the principles laid down by these fathers, whose opinions he had read. [Applause in the eastern gallery.] The Chairman.--The Sergeant-at-Arms will clear the gallery. The order was obeyed, the sovereigns there assembled reserving the right to make another demonstration as they retire
laveholding taxpayers East of the Blue Ridge, whose interest it was to have the organic law changed in this respect. He particularly contended for justice to the Western people, who would be called upon to fight the battles, if the State were to become involved in civil war. The present policy he argued, tended to divert capital from Virginia to the North, while her own natural resources remained undeveloped. He hoped the question would be taken, and that the resolutions would pass. Mr. Stuart, of Doddridge, desired to say a few words upon the subject. Gentlemen had not yet been talked to as plainly as he proposed to talk. He would avail himself of the opportunity to-morrow morning. The subject was then passed by. Committee of the whole. The Convention went into Committee of the Whole (Mr. Southall in the chair,) for the purpose of considering the report of the Committee on Federal Relations--Mr. Montague, of Middlesex, being entitled to the floor. Mr. Fisher
uthern States, nor the Border States; but believed that the whole Union should be preserved, and through judicious efforts the North might be brought to proper concessions, such as would satisfy the extreme South. Pennsylvania, according to reliable information, would consent to such a scheme, and with Pennsylvania would come the whole Northwest. With Pennsylvania and the Northwest united, it would be impossible to keep New England out of the Union. On this point Mr. Macfarland argued until half-past 1 o'clock, when he yielded the floor at the request of Mr. Preston, who moved that the Committee rise. The Chair could not entertain the motion, since the Committee had agreed to sit until 2 o'clock. Mr. Speed said that the object could be attained by the general consent of the Committee. Mr. Macfarland was laboring under physical disability, and under such circumstances he supposed no objection would be made. The Committee then took a recess until 4 o'clock P. M.
ependence, Virginia met, without consulting with the Border States, or asking anybody what she should do, and in the plenitude of her sovereignty and in the depth of her patriotism, severed her connection with Great British and exercised the right of secession.--Thus it was Virginia doctrine. It was referred to by John Quincy Adams, and applied as an argument in favor of the right of sovereignty. But a second time she exercised her sovereign right, by inaugurating the movement by which, in 1787, the Federal Constitution was amended, and the Articles of Confederation revised so as to render them adequate to the exigencies of the States and to the Government of the Union. And yet we hear gentlemen denouncing the Convention at Montgomery for pursuing a similar course. Mr. Carlile asked if he understood the gentleman as contending that the Constitution of the Southern Confederated States had been referred to the people, as in the case of the Federal Constitution? Mr. Montague
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