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veholding or non-slaveholding, agricultural, commercial or manufacturing, can live under one Constitution, as when the old thirteen States ratified and made it binding between them. By the late election it would seem as if the North thought themselves responsible for the domestic institutions of all the States. One State has not a right to call out the army and navy, or negotiate with a foreign power, to coerce another. Do you suppose we are to be amused with the clap-trap of Fourth-of-July orations? As a nation inheriting rights we have passed that point. When these eight cotton States withdraw from the Union, as they will in the next two months, and meet in Convention and adopt a Federal Government, and establish a foreign department, I shall advocate the adoption of that same Constitution that was ratified by the old thirteen States. I have no doubt that when Virginia, Tennessee, Maryland, Kentucky and other border States see what we have done, they will come into the
Senator of Texas--Conduct of the Republicans — resolutions offered in the House for amending the Constitution. The debate in Congress Wednesday is interesting. In the Senate, Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, made a warm speech, in which he said: If the people of the North desire it, this Union can be saved; but this Union is not to be saved by flattery, either on the floor of the Senate or from the stump. You cannot save the Union by singing hosannas. You cannot save it by making Fourth of July speeches.--You have got to come down to the work and do something practically. The people of the different slaveholding States, especially the Cotton States, are dissatisfied with the present government as about to be administered by the incoming Administration. There is nothing that can satisfy them except by amending the Constitution, and these amendments must be made by the Northern States unanimously, or they will not be satisfied, and I say here they ought not to be. It amend
meaning of the Constitution relative to African slavery, and proposing amendments to the Constitution to the following effect: To establish a dividing line similar to the Missouri Compromise, prohibiting Congress from passing laws interfering with the inter-State slave trade, or the rights of slaveholders in transition temporarily sojourning in non-slaveholding States, and declaring that all State laws in any degree impairing or infringing on the Fugitive Slave law are null and void. Mr. Adrian submitted a series of resolutions declaratory of the doctrine of non-intervention as the true remedy. That all State laws in conflict with the Constitution and laws of Congress ought to be repealed. That the Fugitive Slave Law and all other laws of the land ought to be respected and obeyed, and no obstacle thrown in the way of their execution. That the Constitution is the result of conciliation and compromise, and can only be preserved by the exercise of a similar spirit. Mr. Morri
State or the people thereof have failed to obey and enforce the obligations imposed by the Constitution; and if so, the reason thereof, and whether any legislation is required to secure such enforcement. Resolved, That to avoid all further controversies in regard to the several Territories of the United States, said Committee divide said Territories into States of convenient size, with a view to their prompt admission into the Union on an equal footing with the original States. Mr. Bingham offered a resolution that the Select Committee of Thirty-three report to this House such additional legislation as they may deem necessary to suppress and put down armed rebellion against the laws and authority of the United States, to protect the property thereof against unlawful seizure, and the citizens thereof against unlawful violence. Mr. Mallory offered a resolution of instructions for constitutionally establishing a line similar unto the Missouri Compromise, providing for the
ts nullifying laws be repealed, &c. Mr. Larrabee offered a resolution recommending the several States to call a Convention for making amendments to the Constitution, to the end that the people may thus be enabled to confer together, in the manner provided in the establishment of the government, and adopt such measures as, in their wisdom, may be proper to promote the common welfare of the States. The above propositions were severally read and referred to the Union Committee. Mr. Bonham said he had received a notice to attend a meeting of the Committee on Military Affairs on Friday. As he did not expect to remain much longer a member of Congress, he felt it due to resign his position as a member thereof, in order that the vacancy may at once be filled. He did not adopt this course owing to any dissatisfaction with the Committee; he should always cherish a lively recollection of their uniform and courteous kindness toward him. He was excused. The House passed t
John Brown (search for this): article 1
ed as poltroons, and that you talk of coercion, and of binding this glorious Union, as you call it, with cords of hemp. Yet you petition that his glorious Union shall continue. Stop with in your borders those flaming presses and public speakers who excite the people against us I say to those States that you shall not-- that's the word I choose to use, and I represent the feeling and determination of the people I represent — I say you shall not permit men to excite your citizens by making John Brown speeches and bringing strychnine within the limits of the State I represent. You shall not publish newspapers and pamphlets to excite our slaves to insurrection. You shall not publish newspapers and pamphlets to excite our slaveholders against the slave, or slaveholder against non-slaveholder. We will have peace, and if you do not offer it to us, we will quietly have our rights under the constitutional compact or withdraw from the Union and establish a government for ourselves. If
ut foreign relations. Mr. W. here read extracts from the Constitution and laws of South Carolina previous to the inauguration of the first President of the United States. The immediate cause of secession is the election of a Black Republican President. The people of the North must know that the present state of affairs has been brought about by means of the Helper book, and the teachings of the Senator from New York, the preaching of the followers, or rather the pretended followers of Christ, and the teaching in your schools of your children to hate our institutions. The Senator from New York told his Wide-Awake prætorians that their services could not be dispensed with after the election. They would be needed to secure the fruits of the victory. A half million men in uniform are being drilled for the purpose of organization to sweep the country in which I live with fire and sword. Mr. Seward here arose and said — I want to know the ground and place where that took
John Cochrane (search for this): article 1
can people; that the present unfriendly feeling which exists has risen from the usurpations of Congress and the Executive; that the rights of American citizens are above Congress and the President, and Territorial governments should not be compelled to derive their powers from their consent; that there shall be no legislation whatever on the subject of slavery; that every Congressional District shall be entitled to one Presidential Elector, and each State to two on general ticket. Mr. John Cochrane submitted a preamble declaring that a conflict of opinion, dangerous to the peace and prosperity of the Union, has risen, concerning the true intent and meaning of the Constitution relative to African slavery, and proposing amendments to the Constitution to the following effect: To establish a dividing line similar to the Missouri Compromise, prohibiting Congress from passing laws interfering with the inter-State slave trade, or the rights of slaveholders in transition temporarily sojo
on any member thereof which may aim to nullify an act of Congress. Mr. Jenkins offered a resolution instructing the Committee to inquire as to the expediency of amending the Fugitive Slave Law, with a view to a prompt rendition of fugitive slaves, and a proper compensation to the owners of those not returned. Also, the propriety of providing, by a Constitutional amendment or a Congressional enactment, for the protection of the rights of slaveholders in the common Territories, &c. Mr. Cox submitted the following: Whereas. One of the chief and just complaints on the part of the slaveholding States of this Confederacy is a refusal or neglect and failure of certain Executives of the Northern States to deliver fugitives from justice, indicted for treason, murder, and slave-stealing in said slave States; therefore, Resolved. That the Committee of Thirty three for the establishment of comity between the States, be required to consider what, if any, further legislation is
Hector Davis (search for this): article 1
now is the time to carry it out. Mr. Wigfall said — If the exhibition of feeling in the galleries occur again they should be cleared, and once being cleared we will proceed. I trust the Senate will act upon t-- decency is looked for. Mr. Davis hoped the Senator would be permitted to proceed. I think we attach too much importance to the expression of the galleries. I take it for granted that those warned yesterday did not repeat it. Yesterday there was one set, to-day there is a newts authority; and instructing the Committee to inquire whether any action is necessary (in view of the present condition of public affairs) against an attempt by any State to nullity the laws necessary for the existence of the Confederacy. Mr. Davis, of Indiana, presented a petition asking Congress to preclude Congress from legislation on slavery, &c. Mr. Niblack offered a resolution providing indemnity for slaves rescued by force or violence; and that the Committee report, by bill or
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