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and spirit her confederate obligations. But the Legislature, nevertheless, referred the matter to the Commissioners on the Revision of the Statutes for their opinion. It is understood that the Commissioners will advise a repeal, and that Gov. Fairbanks favors this action. Governor Sprague, of Rhode Island, has publicly declared himself in favor of the immediate abrogation of the Personal Liberty bill of that State, and he thinks that the General Assembly, as soon as they convene (in January,) will without hesitation second his own sentiments by repealing the obnoxious statute. The Rhode Island Personal Liberty act, in the opinion of legal men, is so constructed as not to conflict directly with the provisions of the Constitution. Its spirit and intention, however, no one can doubt. Like the enactments of other States, its aim is to embarrass and obstruct the execution of the constitutional provision for the rendition of fugitives, and in this respect is a violation of the sa
America. There is only one of the divisions of the Union in regard to which France can have, in certain events, any more extended rights and duties. It is Louisiana as it geographically existed when it was ceded by us to the United States in 1803. The treaty of cession guaranteed to the French colonists and their descendants the enjoyment of their property and of their civil and religious rights. The vast and rich territory of Louisiana has formed since then, besides the State itself of labama and Wisconsin and the Territories of Minnesota, Nebraska and Kansas. Every time that one of these has had to be organized or admitted to the Confederation, the slave proprietors have invoked their rights guaranteed to them by the treaty of 1803. The right of Arkansas, founded on this argument, was recognized by John Quincy Adams himself in 1836. The Governor of Nebraska invoked the same argument in vetoing the bill to prohibit the introduction of slaves into the Territory, and this doc
st and rich territory of Louisiana has formed since then, besides the State itself of Louisiana, the States of Missouri, Arkansas, Iowa, parts of Alabama and Wisconsin and the Territories of Minnesota, Nebraska and Kansas. Every time that one of these has had to be organized or admitted to the Confederation, the slave proprietors have invoked their rights guaranteed to them by the treaty of 1803. The right of Arkansas, founded on this argument, was recognized by John Quincy Adams himself in 1836. The Governor of Nebraska invoked the same argument in vetoing the bill to prohibit the introduction of slaves into the Territory, and this doctrine is also to be found in the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States rendered in the case of the negro Dred Scott. These are the historic and judicial precedents, which will not be without value in case any serious attack is made upon the civil, political and religious rights of the ancient territory of Louisiana. But the instituti
John Quincy Adams (search for this): article 1
igious rights. The vast and rich territory of Louisiana has formed since then, besides the State itself of Louisiana, the States of Missouri, Arkansas, Iowa, parts of Alabama and Wisconsin and the Territories of Minnesota, Nebraska and Kansas. Every time that one of these has had to be organized or admitted to the Confederation, the slave proprietors have invoked their rights guaranteed to them by the treaty of 1803. The right of Arkansas, founded on this argument, was recognized by John Quincy Adams himself in 1836. The Governor of Nebraska invoked the same argument in vetoing the bill to prohibit the introduction of slaves into the Territory, and this doctrine is also to be found in the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States rendered in the case of the negro Dred Scott. These are the historic and judicial precedents, which will not be without value in case any serious attack is made upon the civil, political and religious rights of the ancient territory of Louisi
M. F. Maury (search for this): article 1
Secession movement at the South. letter from Lieut. Maury--speech of Gov. Pickens--opinion of the French Press on disunion — Norfolk "Ready Men," &c. Letter from Lieut. M. F. Maury. Washington, Dec. 19, 1860. Wm. H. Macfarland, Esq.--Dear Sir: --There is a peep today for those who had rather secure the rightLieut. M. F. Maury. Washington, Dec. 19, 1860. Wm. H. Macfarland, Esq.--Dear Sir: --There is a peep today for those who had rather secure the rights of the South in the Union, than go out of it to seek them. The dawn comes from New Jersey. I do not know how you are upon the question of disunion, but I take it for granted that you think, as I believe a large majority of the people at the South think and hold, that matters have now come to such a pass, between the North and save the Union than any State in it; and I, for one, hope she will not be slow to avail herself of the glorious privilege. In haste, but alwaysYours, truly, M. F. Maury. Speech of the Governor of South Carolina. Eight military companies paraded at Charleston, S. C., Friday night, the line of march being Illuminated by
d to defer action on account of his absence. Messrs. Davis, Toombs and Hunter discussed the present unhappy condition of the country with unsurpassed ability, and whilst manifesting a willingness to accept any measure of final settlement which would secure their just rights in the Union, insisted that propositions must come from the dominant party, the Republicans. The vote on Mr. Crittenden's proposition was as follows: For the proposition--Messrs. Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas. Rice and Powell--5. Against it--Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, Wade, Toombs, Grimes and Hunter--7. Messrs. Hunter, Toombs and Davis, nevertheless, intimated an inclination to go for it if the Republicans would propose it in good faith. The second proposition submitted by Mr. Crittenden, denying the right of Congress to abolish slavery in the dockyards and arsenals, was voted against by Messrs. Collamer, Doolittle, Grimes and Wade. The remainder of the committee voted for the pr
nce — now and forever. [Applause.] Where will the State stand? South Carolina asks no support.--There she stands in the defensive attitude, with her hands grasping her scabbard and not a feather quivering in her plume, raising over her head the Palmetto — the emblem not only of nationality, but the emblem of your independence. Wherever that waves, let it be known that it waves over a free and independent people. [Prolonged cheering.] The French Press on disunion. [From La Presse, of Paris, December 4.] France cannot be otherwise than proud to find her protection claimed archer alliance sought by all oppressed nationalities, and it is her interest and her glory not to fall in any of the obligations that her high position imposes upon her. But in the present case, (that of the proffered alliance of the Southern State,) the question of independence is complicated by a question of slavery, and the one flings an unhappy shadow over the other. France, who abolished slavery
nally and forever by a division of the country from ocean to ocean on the parallel of the Missouri line, was the great subject of discussion. Messrs. Crittenden, Douglas and Bigler maintained it with great zeal and ability. Mr. Douglas reiterated his former determination to consider the question for the preservation of the coMr. Douglas reiterated his former determination to consider the question for the preservation of the country, as though he had never cast a vote or uttered a sentiment on the subject before. If that mode of compromise would not answer, he declared himself willing to go for any other consistent with honor or justice. The appeals of Mr. Crittenden in behalf of the Union are said to have been eloquent and sublime. He, too, was wicome from the dominant party, the Republicans. The vote on Mr. Crittenden's proposition was as follows: For the proposition--Messrs. Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas. Rice and Powell--5. Against it--Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, Wade, Toombs, Grimes and Hunter--7. Messrs. Hunter, Toombs and Davis, nevertheless,
ama. The Montgomery Mail publishes the particulars of the execution at Pine Level, Montgomery county, Ala., on the 16th inst., of four persons convicted of attempting to create a servile rebellion. The letter says: One white man, and four negroes were hung. The white man's name was Roller, and was proved guilty by his brother, who was arrested with him, but who afterward cleared himself by confessing his brother's guilt. One of the negroes belonged to Mr. Allen Frasier, one to Mr. Terry, and one to the Wright estate, and the other is a ditcher, whose master resides in Montgomery. That the plot is deeply laid, and of considerable extent, is undoubtedly true. New revelations are being made daily, and other white men have an awful doom awaiting them. The South Carolina Commissioners. A Washington letter says: The Commissioners, or as Mr. Wigfall styled them, the Envoys Extraordinary from South Carolina to this Government, will arrive here on Wednesday and pr
ith bankruptcy, civil war, and anarchy, inspire any breast, not dead to every feeling of humanity, with the slightest emotion of gladness? All these things may happen very soon, and some of them now exist. What is there, we ask, in the existing state of things, or in the prospect which disunion opens to us, to furnish cause for gratulation and rejoicing? Does anybody know how the difficulties by which we are surrounded will terminate? Is the path before us one of flowers? Mr. Hunter told Hale in the Senate once that his conduct was "like the laugh of the inebriate by the bed of death." Has that illustration lost its applicability to any other case? We think not." Curtailment of business. The Pittsfield (Mass) Sun hears of woolen and cotton mills in all directions, in this and other counties, that have been compelled, in consequence of the stagnation of business, to reduce the hours of labor, and are now running three-fourths or half time, and many will probably suspend
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