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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: August 20, 1861., [Electronic resource].

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C. E. Earle (search for this): article 1
Guards, Gregg's regiment, writes a communication to the editor of the Dispatch from Charleston, under date of August 12th, in which he says he regards the statement made in this column on the 9th inst., relative to the death of his kinsman, Lieut. C. E. Earle, of the Palmetto Rifles, "as unfair, improper, and highly objectionable in several particulars," and desires to know the "authority for saying that insanity is hereditary in the family" of the deceased. The Reporter was at the scene of thebut the facts elicited can readily be ascertained by addressing the Coroner. He is informed by a gentleman that it accords with his recollection that one of the statements made before the jury was to the effect that insanity was hereditary in Lieut. Earle's family, and that statement was appended as part of the verdict of the jury who were convened to ascertain the cause of the death of the deceased. It is hardly necessary for the Reporter to say that he could have no conceivable motive for ma
end of the world — How often have we read with horror the atrocities of the French Revolution, and what man in America has ever believed that his own continent or his own race could ever exhibit such an infernal spirit? In the pride of our self-complacency, we attributed these unutterable horrors to the peculiar character of the French, whom we had been taught to believe were the "half monkey, half tiger," they have been described by one of their own writers. Who could have believed that in 1861 there would be a Republican Bomba in the Executive chair of the United States? that civil and political liberty would be as completely overthrown at Washington as in Vienna? and that a policy would be inaugurated towards a large section of this country as bloody, licentious and cruel as ever disgraced the worst era of the French Revolution? The speech of Wendell Phillips on the battle of Bull Run. and the daily ravings of the New York Tribune, Times and other Black Republican journals
section of this country as bloody, licentious and cruel as ever disgraced the worst era of the French Revolution? The speech of Wendell Phillips on the battle of Bull Run. and the daily ravings of the New York Tribune, Times and other Black Republican journals, are brim-full of Jacobin ferocity, and show us behind the meek, sympathizing mask of New England philanthropy, the undisguised devilism of Rebespierre. In this speech, which has the support of such men as Senators Wade, Wilson, Sumner, Pomeroy, Lane, Carlile, Hale, Doolittle, Preston King and others, he says that the guilotine established at Washington should cut off the heads of everybody suspected of not being a fanatical Abolitionist, and then he says: "Every man, black or white, that enters your camp. hang him or arm him!" "To-day," he continues, "belongs to the negro. To-day is consecrated to the slave. Empty Washington of every man, woman or child who will not take the oath of allegiance"--that is, of allegiance
is to their faults. Among all the nations of the earth, none has been more self complacent and pharisaic than the late United States. We were accustomed to consider cursolves the purest, the wisest, the most humane of all nations. On every Fourth of July we assembled to make proclamation to the Universe of the superlative virtue of our ancestors and ourselves, and even our preachers, who, on Sunday, denounced us individuality as the chief of sinners, declared on every Fourth of July that collFourth of July that collectively, we were the most intelligent and virtuous of human beings. Whilst there was no part of the country which was troubled with an excess of humility, New England distanced every other section of the United States in its sublime self laudation. It extolled its Pilgrim Fathers as only second to the Apostles, and its sons as worthy of such fathers. It declared that freedom of religion, and civil and political liberty, had found their last and an impregnable refuge upon their rock-bound sho
ody, licentious and cruel as ever disgraced the worst era of the French Revolution? The speech of Wendell Phillips on the battle of Bull Run. and the daily ravings of the New York Tribune, Times and other Black Republican journals, are brim-full of Jacobin ferocity, and show us behind the meek, sympathizing mask of New England philanthropy, the undisguised devilism of Rebespierre. In this speech, which has the support of such men as Senators Wade, Wilson, Sumner, Pomeroy, Lane, Carlile, Hale, Doolittle, Preston King and others, he says that the guilotine established at Washington should cut off the heads of everybody suspected of not being a fanatical Abolitionist, and then he says: "Every man, black or white, that enters your camp. hang him or arm him!" "To-day," he continues, "belongs to the negro. To-day is consecrated to the slave. Empty Washington of every man, woman or child who will not take the oath of allegiance"--that is, of allegiance to Abolitionism. He calls for
They were so compassionate to human misery, that for years they have been endeavoring to mitigate the severity of the criminal code, and have succeeded in some of their States in abolishing the death penalty of murder. They had even exhibited a considerable degree of activity in endeavoring to procure the passage of laws preventing cruelty to animals. The angelic tenderness and sympathy of their natures welled out in a flood of crystal tears over the soul subduing stories of the saintly Mrs. Stowe. I find their lives became completely miserable by an excess of sensibility and compassion. It is scarcely a year since we were all, in the North and South, cursing King Bomba for his alleged cruelties to a people, who, it appears, divert their minds from their own sorrows by scandalous theatrical exhibitions of Southern slavery. We were astounded that men could be thrust into dungeons without trial; that they could sometimes be even put to death by the soldiery. We looked down upo
a large section of this country as bloody, licentious and cruel as ever disgraced the worst era of the French Revolution? The speech of Wendell Phillips on the battle of Bull Run. and the daily ravings of the New York Tribune, Times and other Black Republican journals, are brim-full of Jacobin ferocity, and show us behind the meek, sympathizing mask of New England philanthropy, the undisguised devilism of Rebespierre. In this speech, which has the support of such men as Senators Wade, Wilson, Sumner, Pomeroy, Lane, Carlile, Hale, Doolittle, Preston King and others, he says that the guilotine established at Washington should cut off the heads of everybody suspected of not being a fanatical Abolitionist, and then he says: "Every man, black or white, that enters your camp. hang him or arm him!" "To-day," he continues, "belongs to the negro. To-day is consecrated to the slave. Empty Washington of every man, woman or child who will not take the oath of allegiance"--that is, of all
country as bloody, licentious and cruel as ever disgraced the worst era of the French Revolution? The speech of Wendell Phillips on the battle of Bull Run. and the daily ravings of the New York Tribune, Times and other Black Republican journals, are brim-full of Jacobin ferocity, and show us behind the meek, sympathizing mask of New England philanthropy, the undisguised devilism of Rebespierre. In this speech, which has the support of such men as Senators Wade, Wilson, Sumner, Pomeroy, Lane, Carlile, Hale, Doolittle, Preston King and others, he says that the guilotine established at Washington should cut off the heads of everybody suspected of not being a fanatical Abolitionist, and then he says: "Every man, black or white, that enters your camp. hang him or arm him!" "To-day," he continues, "belongs to the negro. To-day is consecrated to the slave. Empty Washington of every man, woman or child who will not take the oath of allegiance"--that is, of allegiance to Abolitionism.
as ever disgraced the worst era of the French Revolution? The speech of Wendell Phillips on the battle of Bull Run. and the daily ravings of the New York Tribune, Times and other Black Republican journals, are brim-full of Jacobin ferocity, and show us behind the meek, sympathizing mask of New England philanthropy, the undisguised devilism of Rebespierre. In this speech, which has the support of such men as Senators Wade, Wilson, Sumner, Pomeroy, Lane, Carlile, Hale, Doolittle, Preston King and others, he says that the guilotine established at Washington should cut off the heads of everybody suspected of not being a fanatical Abolitionist, and then he says: "Every man, black or white, that enters your camp. hang him or arm him!" "To-day," he continues, "belongs to the negro. To-day is consecrated to the slave. Empty Washington of every man, woman or child who will not take the oath of allegiance"--that is, of allegiance to Abolitionism. He calls for the abrogation of the Con
of this country as bloody, licentious and cruel as ever disgraced the worst era of the French Revolution? The speech of Wendell Phillips on the battle of Bull Run. and the daily ravings of the New York Tribune, Times and other Black Republican journals, are brim-full of Jacobin ferocity, and show us behind the meek, sympathizing mask of New England philanthropy, the undisguised devilism of Rebespierre. In this speech, which has the support of such men as Senators Wade, Wilson, Sumner, Pomeroy, Lane, Carlile, Hale, Doolittle, Preston King and others, he says that the guilotine established at Washington should cut off the heads of everybody suspected of not being a fanatical Abolitionist, and then he says: "Every man, black or white, that enters your camp. hang him or arm him!" "To-day," he continues, "belongs to the negro. To-day is consecrated to the slave. Empty Washington of every man, woman or child who will not take the oath of allegiance"--that is, of allegiance to Aboli
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