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Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): article 7
Lincoln as a letter writer. The New York Herald has not a very exalted opinion of Lincoln's epistolary ability, and undertakes to give the uncultivated worthy the following hints: We have already referred to a recently-published letter or two of President Lincoln in reference to the war. One of these, a familiar, off-hand note to Secretary Cameron, suggesting the immediate appointment of Lane, of Kansas, as a General of Volunteers, was very much to the point in this particular instruction: "Tell him, when he starts, to put it through; not to be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through." Good advice, this; and it is to be hoped that every one of our military and naval leaders, who knows what should be done and has the means with which to do it, will "put it through," and "not be writing or telegraphing back" to Washington, but "put it through." We respectfully submit, however, that President Lincoln falls short of the mark in his reply to the very cool and
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): article 7
ly to Magoffin in an exposition of the folly and fallacies of this Southern rebellion, and the imperious necessity and duty devolving upon all honest men to put it down, a new and powerful impulse might have been given to the Union cause, not only in Kentucky, but in every other State, North and South. It will be universally admitted that Gen. Jackson's elaborate expositions of the Constitution, the law, and the duty and policy of the Government, pending the nullification treason of South Carolina in 1832 and 1833, operated to an incalculable extent to strengthen the Union cause, and to suffocate that nullification attempt at rebellion. So now, if President Lincoln and his Secretary of State were to seize, from time to time, the occasion of some inquiring letter or complimentary diplomatic dispatch for an exposition of the bad cause of this rebellion, and the constitutional duties and policy of the Administration in the prosecution of the war, much good would doubtless result to
Seward (search for this): article 7
e, and to suffocate that nullification attempt at rebellion. So now, if President Lincoln and his Secretary of State were to seize, from time to time, the occasion of some inquiring letter or complimentary diplomatic dispatch for an exposition of the bad cause of this rebellion, and the constitutional duties and policy of the Administration in the prosecution of the war, much good would doubtless result to the Union cause North and South. With these views on the subject, we hope that the President or Mr. Seward will seize the earliest occasion for a deliberate exposition of the necessity for a vigorous prosecution of this war, defining its objects and the broad distinctions to be made between loyalty and treason in our revolted States. We of the loyal States are fighting for the Government, for the Union, and for popular institutions; and hence our loyal people desire, and should have, the fullest information, from time to time, of the views and objects of the Administration.
Magoffin (search for this): article 7
." We respectfully submit, however, that President Lincoln falls short of the mark in his reply to the very cool and impudent manifesto of the secession Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, touching the neutrality of that State. The President writes apologetically, and condescends to make such explanations to Magoffin as will be cMagoffin as will be calculated to soften his wrath, instead of addressing him as a traitor, in league with traitors, and warning him of the consequences of his treason, if carried too far. It strikes us, too, that had the President, for the sake of the Union, devoted an hour or two in his reply to Magoffin in an exposition of the folly and fallacies oMagoffin in an exposition of the folly and fallacies of this Southern rebellion, and the imperious necessity and duty devolving upon all honest men to put it down, a new and powerful impulse might have been given to the Union cause, not only in Kentucky, but in every other State, North and South. It will be universally admitted that Gen. Jackson's elaborate expositions of the Co
Lane (search for this): article 7
Lincoln as a letter writer. The New York Herald has not a very exalted opinion of Lincoln's epistolary ability, and undertakes to give the uncultivated worthy the following hints: We have already referred to a recently-published letter or two of President Lincoln in reference to the war. One of these, a familiar, off-hand note to Secretary Cameron, suggesting the immediate appointment of Lane, of Kansas, as a General of Volunteers, was very much to the point in this particular instruction: "Tell him, when he starts, to put it through; not to be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through." Good advice, this; and it is to be hoped that every one of our military and naval leaders, who knows what should be done and has the means with which to do it, will "put it through," and "not be writing or telegraphing back" to Washington, but "put it through." We respectfully submit, however, that President Lincoln falls short of the mark in his reply to the very cool and
Cameron (search for this): article 7
Lincoln as a letter writer. The New York Herald has not a very exalted opinion of Lincoln's epistolary ability, and undertakes to give the uncultivated worthy the following hints: We have already referred to a recently-published letter or two of President Lincoln in reference to the war. One of these, a familiar, off-hand note to Secretary Cameron, suggesting the immediate appointment of Lane, of Kansas, as a General of Volunteers, was very much to the point in this particular instruction: "Tell him, when he starts, to put it through; not to be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through." Good advice, this; and it is to be hoped that every one of our military and naval leaders, who knows what should be done and has the means with which to do it, will "put it through," and "not be writing or telegraphing back" to Washington, but "put it through." We respectfully submit, however, that President Lincoln falls short of the mark in his reply to the very cool and
Jonathan J. Jackson (search for this): article 7
quences of his treason, if carried too far. It strikes us, too, that had the President, for the sake of the Union, devoted an hour or two in his reply to Magoffin in an exposition of the folly and fallacies of this Southern rebellion, and the imperious necessity and duty devolving upon all honest men to put it down, a new and powerful impulse might have been given to the Union cause, not only in Kentucky, but in every other State, North and South. It will be universally admitted that Gen. Jackson's elaborate expositions of the Constitution, the law, and the duty and policy of the Government, pending the nullification treason of South Carolina in 1832 and 1833, operated to an incalculable extent to strengthen the Union cause, and to suffocate that nullification attempt at rebellion. So now, if President Lincoln and his Secretary of State were to seize, from time to time, the occasion of some inquiring letter or complimentary diplomatic dispatch for an exposition of the bad cause o
Lincoln (search for this): article 7
Lincoln as a letter writer. The New York Herald has not a very exalted opinion of Lincoln's epistolary ability, and undertakes to give the uncultivated worthy the following hints: We haveLincoln's epistolary ability, and undertakes to give the uncultivated worthy the following hints: We have already referred to a recently-published letter or two of President Lincoln in reference to the war. One of these, a familiar, off-hand note to Secretary Cameron, suggesting the immediate appointmenPresident Lincoln in reference to the war. One of these, a familiar, off-hand note to Secretary Cameron, suggesting the immediate appointment of Lane, of Kansas, as a General of Volunteers, was very much to the point in this particular instruction: "Tell him, when he starts, to put it through; not to be writing or telegraphing back here,hing back" to Washington, but "put it through." We respectfully submit, however, that President Lincoln falls short of the mark in his reply to the very cool and impudent manifesto of the secesshen the Union cause, and to suffocate that nullification attempt at rebellion. So now, if President Lincoln and his Secretary of State were to seize, from time to time, the occasion of some inquirin
1833 AD (search for this): article 7
xposition of the folly and fallacies of this Southern rebellion, and the imperious necessity and duty devolving upon all honest men to put it down, a new and powerful impulse might have been given to the Union cause, not only in Kentucky, but in every other State, North and South. It will be universally admitted that Gen. Jackson's elaborate expositions of the Constitution, the law, and the duty and policy of the Government, pending the nullification treason of South Carolina in 1832 and 1833, operated to an incalculable extent to strengthen the Union cause, and to suffocate that nullification attempt at rebellion. So now, if President Lincoln and his Secretary of State were to seize, from time to time, the occasion of some inquiring letter or complimentary diplomatic dispatch for an exposition of the bad cause of this rebellion, and the constitutional duties and policy of the Administration in the prosecution of the war, much good would doubtless result to the Union cause North
1832 AD (search for this): article 7
n in an exposition of the folly and fallacies of this Southern rebellion, and the imperious necessity and duty devolving upon all honest men to put it down, a new and powerful impulse might have been given to the Union cause, not only in Kentucky, but in every other State, North and South. It will be universally admitted that Gen. Jackson's elaborate expositions of the Constitution, the law, and the duty and policy of the Government, pending the nullification treason of South Carolina in 1832 and 1833, operated to an incalculable extent to strengthen the Union cause, and to suffocate that nullification attempt at rebellion. So now, if President Lincoln and his Secretary of State were to seize, from time to time, the occasion of some inquiring letter or complimentary diplomatic dispatch for an exposition of the bad cause of this rebellion, and the constitutional duties and policy of the Administration in the prosecution of the war, much good would doubtless result to the Union cau