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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: December 2, 1861., [Electronic resource].

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ordshire potteries. In haberdashery the exports of August, last year, amounted to 138,720 pounds; but in this year only to 33,659 pounds; in linens, in the same months, the difference was from 228,119 pounds, to 42,279 pounds; in the iron market the amount had decreased to almost a nil for 10,338 pounds; bar iron exported in August, last year, there were only 980 pounds for this year. Passing on to other manufactures, I find that for 27,712 gallons of seed oil exported in the same months in 1860, there was this year none; of spirits, 16,486 gallons to 4,000; of bitter beer 2,583 barrels to 995; and of butter, 13,546 cwt. to 7,776. That shows that not only the cotton, iron, and earthen ware interests are concerned, but that the agriculturalists do not export as they have been in the habit of doing. Then it is said that the Southern States have no right whatever to secede. Now, that is a question upon which Englishmen would not differ very much, for they are fond of local Governm
articles were exported to the value of 79,318 pounds; while in the same month, 1861, the extortions only amounted to the worth of 16,514 pounds; therefore there was so much less work in the Staffordshire potteries. In haberdashery the exports of August, last year, amounted to 138,720 pounds; but in this year only to 33,659 pounds; in linens, in the same months, the difference was from 228,119 pounds, to 42,279 pounds; in the iron market the amount had decreased to almost a nil for 10,338 pounds; bar iron exported in August, last year, there were only 980 pounds for this year. Passing on to other manufactures, I find that for 27,712 gallons of seed oil exported in the same months in 1860, there was this year none; of spirits, 16,486 gallons to 4,000; of bitter beer 2,583 barrels to 995; and of butter, 13,546 cwt. to 7,776. That shows that not only the cotton, iron, and earthen ware interests are concerned, but that the agriculturalists do not export as they have been in the habit of
tment of them in any of the States, it remaining with the several States alone to provide rules and regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require." It is true that it was after that date that we in England took so prominent a part in the emancipation of slavery; but after the whole matter had been almost accomplished by us, what was the feeling of North America? Why, I find that most distinguished man, Daniel Webster, who represented Massachusetts as a Senator, said in 1830, with regard to this very resolution which I have quoted: "The House agreed to insert these resolutions in its Journal, and from that day to this it has never been maintained or contended that Congress had any authority to regulate or interfere with the condition of slaves in the several States." He was at that time contending against a feeling which the South expressed, that they thought there was a wish on the part of the Northern States to abolish slavery, and he, as the leading
ered from another they should secede, and the more amicably that takes place the better it will be for human nature. As an instance of what our own country has done in such questions, I would recall to your recollection that at the time we emancipated the slaves in our colonies the Dutch settlers on the Cape of Good Hope objected to it, left their territory, and settled on the Orange river; and England had since always recognized that territory as independent. Again, as far back as the year 1780, Ireland objected to our governing it, and carried a resolution into its parliament that it only recognized the Irish Legislature, and George III. as king of Ireland and not of England. We had then undergone the sad experience of the American war, and we recognized that independence, and it was only by sound argument, and not by attempted force, that we had brought them back again. I have endeavored to bring the question before you in three points--first, that the question of cot on ha
onsider this question than while the weather is still warm and the sun shining. Many of you must know as well as my self that the bread of life cannot be taken from the large population of the manufacturing districts without causing some of the most distressing scenes that human nature can witness; and when we come to consider that throughout Lancashire the people are working half time — that is, three days instead of six--and if that is the case in September, what are they likely to do in December? We can imagine what is likely to be the distress in that part of the county. It may be asked, as I have seen it in some newspapers of the day. What has that to do with Essex? Now I say the people cannot suffer in Lancashire without you feeling it in Essex; and I will endeavor by a few figures to show you why I say so. The traffic between this country and the United States where the cotton is produced, and by the manufacture of which so large a class is fed, amounted during the past year
e which at the time rendered him very unpopular, to the effect that, if at any time any portion of the States attempted to carry their own interests to the detriment of other States, the Republic would break up. In the year 1825 the Government of Georgia, feeling itself ill used by the General Government respecting some Indian land, the Governor called upon the people of his State to "stand by their arms,"and warned the General Government that it would be treated as a public enemy. Again: In 1829 South Carolina pronounced the national tariff "to be unauthorized by the Constitution, null and void; not binding on South Carolina, its officers and citizens." I quote these examples to show that the question of secession is as old as the States themselves. They agreed to form a Confederation and Union; but at the same time it was well known that as soon as the interest of one section of the States differed from another they should secede, and the more amicably that takes place the bet
tained or contended that Congress had any authority to regulate or interfere with the condition of slaves in the several States." He was at that time contending against a feeling which the South expressed, that they thought there was a wish on the part of the Northern States to abolish slavery, and he, as the leading man of the Northern States, and speaking in their name, so far from condemning slavery, denied that there was any wish, on their part to abolish it. It was not till the year 1834 that slavery was abolished in our colonies, and some might fancy that the North had followed our example. But a most important question arose. About eight or nine years ago the English Government objected to the State of South Carolina seizing the negroes who came into port in our vessels and detaining them in prison till the ship in which they had arrived had again sailed. This was represented to the United States Government, who however, replied that it was no question for them, but one
er, spend a merry. Christmas, and we ought to let the people of Lancashire starve until all is blue; but I shall endeavor to show you that you are directly concerned. I find that owing to this quarrel, besides cotton, a great portion of our mercantile transactions between this country and America are at a stand-still. Take the case of tea-cups and plates, which are Staffordshire ware. In August, 1860, those articles were exported to the value of 79,318 pounds; while in the same month, 1861, the extortions only amounted to the worth of 16,514 pounds; therefore there was so much less work in the Staffordshire potteries. In haberdashery the exports of August, last year, amounted to 138,720 pounds; but in this year only to 33,659 pounds; in linens, in the same months, the difference was from 228,119 pounds, to 42,279 pounds; in the iron market the amount had decreased to almost a nil for 10,338 pounds; bar iron exported in August, last year, there were only 980 pounds for this yea
reat horror of slavery myself I must admit that it is backed up by men of the Northern States, because if it were abolished they could not profit by it. The question of slavery was brought prominently forward in the Congress of America in the year 1790, when, at that time, two thirds of the Congress were Northerners, and I will read you a resolution passed by that body, which was, first of all, submitted to a committee of seven, six of whom were Northerners, and only one of them was a Southernert very time, what did the United States Con- gress do? Why, so far from expressing any sympathy with England in the matter, they passed a solemn act in which they utterly refused to interfere in the quarrel, and re-enacted the resolution of 1790. It was only three days ago that I saw in the Times and other papers a letter from Ex-President Buchanan, who was lately Ambassador in this country, a citizen also of the Northern States, in which he says that the object of the war "is solely for
September (search for this): article 2
ill occur in the ensuing season and to consider this question than while the weather is still warm and the sun shining. Many of you must know as well as my self that the bread of life cannot be taken from the large population of the manufacturing districts without causing some of the most distressing scenes that human nature can witness; and when we come to consider that throughout Lancashire the people are working half time — that is, three days instead of six--and if that is the case in September, what are they likely to do in December? We can imagine what is likely to be the distress in that part of the county. It may be asked, as I have seen it in some newspapers of the day. What has that to do with Essex? Now I say the people cannot suffer in Lancashire without you feeling it in Essex; and I will endeavor by a few figures to show you why I say so. The traffic between this country and the United States where the cotton is produced, and by the manufacture of which so large a cl
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