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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: December 16, 1861., [Electronic resource].

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William H. Seward (search for this): article 1
is that out of which the constitution of this Union arose — namely, American independence — independence of all foreign control, alliance or influence. Next above it lies the conviction that neither peace, nor safety, nor public liberty, nor prosperity, nor greatness, nor empire, can be attained here with the sacrifice of the unity of the people of North America. Those who, in a frenzy of passion, are building expectations on other principles do not know what they are doing. Whenever one part of this Union shall be found assuming bonds of dependence or of fraternity towards any foreign people, to the exclusion of the sympathies of their native land, then, even if not before, that spirit will be reawakened which brought the States of this republic into existence, and which will preserve them united until the common destiny which it opened to them shall be fully and completely realized. I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, Wm. H. Seward. William L. Dayton, &c., &c
Paris (search for this): article 1
nderstood, while implying a disposition on the part of France to accord belligerent rights to their Sargents, does not name, specify or even indicate one such belligerent right. On the other hand, the rights which it asserts that France expects as a neutral, from the United States, as a belligerent, are even less than this Government, on the 25th of April, instructed you to concede and guarantee to her by treaty, as a friend. On that day we offered to her our adhesion to the declaration of Paris, which contains four propositions — namely: 1. That privateering shall be abolished. 2. That a neutral flag covers enemy's goods not contraband of war. 3. That goods of a neutral, not contraband, shall not be confiscated, though found in an enemy's vessel. 4. That blockades, in order to be lawful, must be maintained by competent force. We have always, when at war, conceded the three last of these rights to neutrals a fortiori, we could not when at peace deny them to friendly nations.
April 25th (search for this): article 1
, that it need not disturb the good relations which have so long and so happily subsisted between the United States and France. The paper, as understood, while implying a disposition on the part of France to accord belligerent rights to their Sargents, does not name, specify or even indicate one such belligerent right. On the other hand, the rights which it asserts that France expects as a neutral, from the United States, as a belligerent, are even less than this Government, on the 25th of April, instructed you to concede and guarantee to her by treaty, as a friend. On that day we offered to her our adhesion to the declaration of Paris, which contains four propositions — namely: 1. That privateering shall be abolished. 2. That a neutral flag covers enemy's goods not contraband of war. 3. That goods of a neutral, not contraband, shall not be confiscated, though found in an enemy's vessel. 4. That blockades, in order to be lawful, must be maintained by competent force. We hav
Mercier (search for this): article 1
y case, not only shall we allow no privateer or national vessel to violate the rights of friendly nations as I have thus described them, but we shall also employ all our naval force to prevent the insurgents from violating them, just as much as we do to prevent them from violating the laws of our own country. What, then, does France claim of us that we do not accord to her? Nothing. What do we refuse to France by declining to receive the communication sent to us through the hands of Mr. Mercier? Nothing but the privilege of telling us that we are at war when we maintain we are at peace, and that she is neutral when we prefer to recognize her as a friend. Of course, it is understood that on this occasion we reserve, as on all others, our right to suppress the insurrection by naval as well as by military power, and for that purpose to close such of our ports as have fallen or may fall into the hands of the insurgents, either directly or in the more lenient and equitable form
William L. Dayton (search for this): article 1
is that out of which the constitution of this Union arose — namely, American independence — independence of all foreign control, alliance or influence. Next above it lies the conviction that neither peace, nor safety, nor public liberty, nor prosperity, nor greatness, nor empire, can be attained here with the sacrifice of the unity of the people of North America. Those who, in a frenzy of passion, are building expectations on other principles do not know what they are doing. Whenever one part of this Union shall be found assuming bonds of dependence or of fraternity towards any foreign people, to the exclusion of the sympathies of their native land, then, even if not before, that spirit will be reawakened which brought the States of this republic into existence, and which will preserve them united until the common destiny which it opened to them shall be fully and completely realized. I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, Wm. H. Seward. William L. Dayton, &c., &c
United States (United States) (search for this): article 1
rned to suppose that any war exists in the United States. Certainly there cannot be two belligerenen, one political Power, namely — the United States of America--competent to make war and peace, anditself, but it certainly cannot expect the United States to accept its decision upon a question vital to their national existence. The United States will not refine upon the question when and hs, neutrals, friends, or even allies.--The United States will maintain and defend their sovereignty long and so happily subsisted between the United States and France. The paper, as understood,that France expects as a neutral, from the United States, as a belligerent, are even less than thisent case. We hold all the citizens of the United States, loyal or disloyal, alike included by the fference between the two governments. The United States will hope that France will not think it neicate to us. But, however this may be, the United States will not anticipate any occasion for a cha
North America (search for this): article 1
deeper than the attachment to any local or sectional interest, or partisan pride or individual ambition — deeper than any other sentiment — is that out of which the constitution of this Union arose — namely, American independence — independence of all foreign control, alliance or influence. Next above it lies the conviction that neither peace, nor safety, nor public liberty, nor prosperity, nor greatness, nor empire, can be attained here with the sacrifice of the unity of the people of North America. Those who, in a frenzy of passion, are building expectations on other principles do not know what they are doing. Whenever one part of this Union shall be found assuming bonds of dependence or of fraternity towards any foreign people, to the exclusion of the sympathies of their native land, then, even if not before, that spirit will be reawakened which brought the States of this republic into existence, and which will preserve them united until the common destiny which it opened to t
France (France) (search for this): article 1
can easily see how the inadvertence occurred.--France seems to have mistaken a mere casual and ephemh as have sometimes happened in the history of France herself, for a war which has flagrantly separatwo which seem so to construe appearances, and France is one of them. Are the judgments of these twappily subsisted between the United States and France. The paper, as understood, while implyinge other hand, the rights which it asserts that France expects as a neutral, from the United States, rthrowing it, respect those rights in favor of France and of every other friendly nation. In any calaws of our own country. What, then, does France claim of us that we do not accord to her? Nothing. What do we refuse to France by declining to receive the communication sent to us through the hgovernments. The United States will hope that France will not think it necessary to adhere to and pinfluence of any foreign State. This is so in France. It is not less so in this country. Down dee[2 more...]
1791 AD (search for this): article 1
The partitioning of Virginia. --When the Emperor Leopold was on a visit to his Italian dominions, in the year 1791, he had an interview with Lord Elgin, envoy from the younger Pitt, at that time Premier of Great Britain, and M. Bischofswerder, envoy of the King of Prussia, the object of which was to concert a plan for the dismemberment of France, then agitated by the throes of that mighty Revolution which threw down all the old landmarks of nations, and shook Europe from its centre to its circumference, as though it had been smitten by an earthquake. In conformity with the views expressed at that interview, it was asserted at the time, and was no doubt true, that the Emperor of Germany and the King of Prussia, at an interview held at Pilnitz a few months after, (July, 1792,) actually signed a treaty to the effect indicated. In pursuance of this treaty, the Duke of Brunswick and the King of Prussia entered France with an army of 110,000 men within less than a mouth after; and th
Cameron (search for this): article 1
to exterminate; and the Duke of Brunswick was on his way to his own dominions, baffled, defeated, dispirited, humbled stripped of the laurels acquired by a life of hard service; and despised by the very soldiers he had so lately been hounding on to massacre and plunder. Louis XVI. was not restored, the French youth were not intimidated, France was not dismembered. It is, to us, a matter of astonishment that a lesson so fraught with instruction, should have been utterly lost upon Secretary Cameron when he advised the dismemberment of Virginia, or should not be remembered by Congress when they are about to pass a law in accordance with his recommendation. It the very moment that the Secretary is giving this advice, his grand army is cooped up in Washington, and its vicinity, without the courage to advance upon the territory it is to dispose of after a fashion so summary, and the fleet of which his brother secretary boasts so loudly, dare not attempt to force the passage of the P
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