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From Europe. The mails by the steamship North American bring English papers to the 17th ult. The news is not so late as that of the America, nor is it very important; though in the extracts which we append we have some further revelations of English sentiment in respect to affairs on this continent. A deputation of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society waited upon the United States Minister, Charles Francis Adams, on the 10th ult., and offered him an address, signifying their pleasure at welcoming an Ambassador who held principles in accordance with their own. Mr. Adams made a reply, sufficiently abolition in tone to satisfy the members of the deputation, who, after some further ceremony, withdrew. Comments of the London times. The answer of Mr. Adams is formal enough, as befits the representative of a country which knows seriously and practically the questions which there Englishmen only study as amateurs. Mr. Lincoln's representative is, no doubt attached
From Europe. The mails by the steamship North American bring English papers to the 17th ult. The news is not so late as that of the America, nor is it very important; though in the extracts which we append we have some further revelations of English sentiment in respect to affairs on this continent. A deputation of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society waited upon the United States Minister, Charles Francis Adams, on the 10th ult., and offered him an address, signifying their pleasure at welcoming an Ambassador who held principles in accordance with their own. Mr. Adams made a reply, sufficiently abolition in tone to satisfy the members of the deputation, who, after some further ceremony, withdrew. Comments of the London times. The answer of Mr. Adams is formal enough, as befits the representative of a country which knows seriously and practically the questions which there Englishmen only study as amateurs. Mr. Lincoln's representative is, no doubt attached
ion, we are justified in concluding that the tide of American opinion on this subject must be upon the turn. We are confident enough that as passion passes a way and reason prevails the Americans will see that they have no reason to complain of us. Some of the rancor generated by former conflict may still survive, and the vitality, indeed, of these mischievous sentiments ought to suggest to the Americans some misgivings as to the consequences of their own civil war. If they cannot yet forget 1776 and 1812, how long will North and South be in forgetting 1861 and 1862? But of anything like evil purpose to them at this crisis of their national destinies we are certainly innocent. The war was none of our making, nor connected in any way with our policy. We deplored its occurrence, and at first we blamed the seceders for the division they were creating. Then, when we saw more clearly into the case, and discerned that the Declaration of Independence was but the expression of a settled a
re justified in concluding that the tide of American opinion on this subject must be upon the turn. We are confident enough that as passion passes a way and reason prevails the Americans will see that they have no reason to complain of us. Some of the rancor generated by former conflict may still survive, and the vitality, indeed, of these mischievous sentiments ought to suggest to the Americans some misgivings as to the consequences of their own civil war. If they cannot yet forget 1776 and 1812, how long will North and South be in forgetting 1861 and 1862? But of anything like evil purpose to them at this crisis of their national destinies we are certainly innocent. The war was none of our making, nor connected in any way with our policy. We deplored its occurrence, and at first we blamed the seceders for the division they were creating. Then, when we saw more clearly into the case, and discerned that the Declaration of Independence was but the expression of a settled and not un
opinion on this subject must be upon the turn. We are confident enough that as passion passes a way and reason prevails the Americans will see that they have no reason to complain of us. Some of the rancor generated by former conflict may still survive, and the vitality, indeed, of these mischievous sentiments ought to suggest to the Americans some misgivings as to the consequences of their own civil war. If they cannot yet forget 1776 and 1812, how long will North and South be in forgetting 1861 and 1862? But of anything like evil purpose to them at this crisis of their national destinies we are certainly innocent. The war was none of our making, nor connected in any way with our policy. We deplored its occurrence, and at first we blamed the seceders for the division they were creating. Then, when we saw more clearly into the case, and discerned that the Declaration of Independence was but the expression of a settled and not unnatural antagonism, we regarded the misch of as irrem
n this subject must be upon the turn. We are confident enough that as passion passes a way and reason prevails the Americans will see that they have no reason to complain of us. Some of the rancor generated by former conflict may still survive, and the vitality, indeed, of these mischievous sentiments ought to suggest to the Americans some misgivings as to the consequences of their own civil war. If they cannot yet forget 1776 and 1812, how long will North and South be in forgetting 1861 and 1862? But of anything like evil purpose to them at this crisis of their national destinies we are certainly innocent. The war was none of our making, nor connected in any way with our policy. We deplored its occurrence, and at first we blamed the seceders for the division they were creating. Then, when we saw more clearly into the case, and discerned that the Declaration of Independence was but the expression of a settled and not unnatural antagonism, we regarded the misch of as irremediable;
Charles Francis Adams (search for this): article 3
s continent. A deputation of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society waited upon the United States Minister, Charles Francis Adams, on the 10th ult., and offered him an address, signifying their pleasure at welcoming an Ambassador who held principles in accordance with their own. Mr. Adams made a reply, sufficiently abolition in tone to satisfy the members of the deputation, who, after some further ceremony, withdrew. Comments of the London times. The answer of Mr. Adams is fMr. Adams is formal enough, as befits the representative of a country which knows seriously and practically the questions which there Englishmen only study as amateurs. Mr. Lincoln's representative is, no doubt attached to his principles and his party. These brwith severity as rebels, according to the temper which they may display, is the desire of the Northern politicians, and Mr. Adams indicates it clearly enough.--But such is not the action of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. To these phi
Americans (search for this): article 3
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. To these philanthropists the negro is everything. Whether the 58,000,000 of Americans remain one nation or split into two, is only interesting to them so far as it affects the fortunes of the race they pro and controvertible topic. He not only deprecated the angry spirit and abusive language in which it was customary with Americans to speak of us and our institutions, but he went a step further, and declared, with a candor and boldness almost unexamy persisted, against our own apparent interests, in standing aloof from the strife. We could not beat nine millions of Americans as rebels and pirates; but we did not recognize them as an independent nation. The practical operation of our neutralih can conquer it; nor, if the conquest could be effected, do we see how it could be maintained. It would be better for Americans if they could have maintained the Union; but as they could not do so, and as in falling to do so they have done no wors
ative of a country which knows seriously and practically the questions which there Englishmen only study as amateurs. Mr. Lincoln's representative is, no doubt attached to his principles and his party. These bring him very near to the opinions of the slavery question in America requires hardly less skill and courage than the management of the war. The election of Mr. Lincoln caused a third of the States of the Union to secede, and several more to halt irresolutely between secession and theirs who are returned by those States. The difficulties and dangers of the time made even the President a conservative. Mr. Lincoln takes his stand on the Constitution, and would doubtless be as willing as any one to make the largest concessions to t into two, is only interesting to them so far as it affects the fortunes of the race they protect. For the efforts of Mr. Lincoln in favor of the blacks, the Society applaud his Government; but they hardly care to think that the first object be has
d be effected, do we see how it could be maintained. It would be better for Americans if they could have maintained the Union; but as they could not do so, and as in falling to do so they have done no worse than other nations before them, we thought it better that they should part with as little harm as possible. The actual course of the war, up to this time, has proved the correctness of our views, and we have little expectation of any decisive evidence to the contrary in the events to come. Our claims, however, at the hands of the Americans are wholly independent of these results, whatever they may be. We claim to have abstained with the most scrupulous care from any cause of offence, to have formed our opinions without prejudice, and to have shaped our policy without the least ill-will. When the Americans can review the case with calm consideration, we are certain that a vast majority of the nation will embrace those opinions of which Mr. Phelpits speech seemed the precursor.
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