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Browsing named entities in a specific section of The Daily Dispatch: may 29, 1862., [Electronic resource]. Search the whole document.

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United States (United States) (search for this): article 2
Mr. Sedgwick, of New York, said that eleven States had combined together in rebellion against the Government of the United States. He offered an amendment, as an additional section to the emancipation bill, that every commanding military or navalr otherwise, invite all loyal persons (meaning slaves) to came within his lines and be enrolled in the service of the United States. And that it shall be his duty to enroll every such loyal person, and to employ such of them (slaves) as may be necessary in the service of the United States; and no person so enrolled and declaring his loyalty to the United States shall ever thereafter be held to involuntary service or labor, any law or regulation of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. AUnited States shall ever thereafter be held to involuntary service or labor, any law or regulation of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. And that the slaves of all widows or minors shall be made free by this act, and shall receive a just compensation for their claim to the service of such slaves. He further said, he did not believe that any slaveholder in this country was a loyal man
t know whether or not be should vote for this present measure, but he believed that Congress had the power to pass confiscation bills, and it was the duty of Congress to do it. Pending the Consideration of the subject the House adjourned. "Ion," of the Baltimore Sun, writes from Washington (May 28) as follows: The prospect is that the Milict confiscation and emancipation project will be pressed through the House next week. The former project will, perhaps, receive the support of the border slave State members of the House, as well as of the free State members. The latter project will unite the votes of the Northern States in the House. The scheme is admirably framed. The Senate, it is supposed, will concur with the House in their bill, though they would not bring the moderate scheme of Senators Clark and Collamer to a vote. Thus the emancipation policy to regard to the States is likely to be soon inaugurated, although the Hunter proclamation has been repudiated.
Sheffield (search for this): article 2
House of Representatives. The House of Representatives resumed the consideration of the Confiscation bills. Mr. Sheffield, of R. I. took the floor and argued at length against confiscation. He contended that the emancipation of slaves was an act of bad faith; it was a violation of the solemn pledges made in July last not to interfere with the local institutions of the States. This breach of faith cannot be justified on the ground of necessity, for the strongest necessities of the war were upon the country when we made that pledge. The rebellion was to be put down by the army, not by legislation. Mr. Sedgwick, of New York, said that eleven States had combined together in rebellion against the Government of the United States. He offered an amendment, as an additional section to the emancipation bill, that every commanding military or naval officer whose military district shall embrace any portion of the above-named States, shall, by proclamation or otherwise, invite
e made free by this act, and shall receive a just compensation for their claim to the service of such slaves. He further said, he did not believe that any slaveholder in this country was a loyal man. Mr. Wichliffe.--I denounce this as false. The Speaker.--The gentleman will please take his seat. Mr. Wickliffe, --I will. Mr. Sedgwick resumed, and explained that he meant by slaveholders those who believed it was right, and ought to be protected by the Constitution. Mr. Maynard, of Tenn,, could not give his consent to any of the bills presented by the committee. He very much doubted the power to pass confiscation or emancipation bills. --But he thought something ought to be done to protect the loyal men. Mr. Blair, of Mo., did not know whether or not be should vote for this present measure, but he believed that Congress had the power to pass confiscation bills, and it was the duty of Congress to do it. Pending the Consideration of the subject the Hous
The Speaker.--The gentleman will please take his seat. Mr. Wickliffe, --I will. Mr. Sedgwick resumed, and explained that he meant by slaveholders those who believed it was right, and ought to be protected by the Constitution. Mr. Maynard, of Tenn,, could not give his consent to any of the bills presented by the committee. He very much doubted the power to pass confiscation or emancipation bills. --But he thought something ought to be done to protect the loyal men. Mr. Blair, of Mo., did not know whether or not be should vote for this present measure, but he believed that Congress had the power to pass confiscation bills, and it was the duty of Congress to do it. Pending the Consideration of the subject the House adjourned. "Ion," of the Baltimore Sun, writes from Washington (May 28) as follows: The prospect is that the Milict confiscation and emancipation project will be pressed through the House next week. The former project will, perhaps, r
Wichliffe (search for this): article 2
service of the United States; and no person so enrolled and declaring his loyalty to the United States shall ever thereafter be held to involuntary service or labor, any law or regulation of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. And that the slaves of all widows or minors shall be made free by this act, and shall receive a just compensation for their claim to the service of such slaves. He further said, he did not believe that any slaveholder in this country was a loyal man. Mr. Wichliffe.--I denounce this as false. The Speaker.--The gentleman will please take his seat. Mr. Wickliffe, --I will. Mr. Sedgwick resumed, and explained that he meant by slaveholders those who believed it was right, and ought to be protected by the Constitution. Mr. Maynard, of Tenn,, could not give his consent to any of the bills presented by the committee. He very much doubted the power to pass confiscation or emancipation bills. --But he thought something ought to be done
Wickliffe (search for this): article 2
ll ever thereafter be held to involuntary service or labor, any law or regulation of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. And that the slaves of all widows or minors shall be made free by this act, and shall receive a just compensation for their claim to the service of such slaves. He further said, he did not believe that any slaveholder in this country was a loyal man. Mr. Wichliffe.--I denounce this as false. The Speaker.--The gentleman will please take his seat. Mr. Wickliffe, --I will. Mr. Sedgwick resumed, and explained that he meant by slaveholders those who believed it was right, and ought to be protected by the Constitution. Mr. Maynard, of Tenn,, could not give his consent to any of the bills presented by the committee. He very much doubted the power to pass confiscation or emancipation bills. --But he thought something ought to be done to protect the loyal men. Mr. Blair, of Mo., did not know whether or not be should vote for this prese
t know whether or not be should vote for this present measure, but he believed that Congress had the power to pass confiscation bills, and it was the duty of Congress to do it. Pending the Consideration of the subject the House adjourned. "Ion," of the Baltimore Sun, writes from Washington (May 28) as follows: The prospect is that the Milict confiscation and emancipation project will be pressed through the House next week. The former project will, perhaps, receive the support of the border slave State members of the House, as well as of the free State members. The latter project will unite the votes of the Northern States in the House. The scheme is admirably framed. The Senate, it is supposed, will concur with the House in their bill, though they would not bring the moderate scheme of Senators Clark and Collamer to a vote. Thus the emancipation policy to regard to the States is likely to be soon inaugurated, although the Hunter proclamation has been repudiated.
ld not give his consent to any of the bills presented by the committee. He very much doubted the power to pass confiscation or emancipation bills. --But he thought something ought to be done to protect the loyal men. Mr. Blair, of Mo., did not know whether or not be should vote for this present measure, but he believed that Congress had the power to pass confiscation bills, and it was the duty of Congress to do it. Pending the Consideration of the subject the House adjourned. "Ion," of the Baltimore Sun, writes from Washington (May 28) as follows: The prospect is that the Milict confiscation and emancipation project will be pressed through the House next week. The former project will, perhaps, receive the support of the border slave State members of the House, as well as of the free State members. The latter project will unite the votes of the Northern States in the House. The scheme is admirably framed. The Senate, it is supposed, will concur with the House
the States. This breach of faith cannot be justified on the ground of necessity, for the strongest necessities of the war were upon the country when we made that pledge. The rebellion was to be put down by the army, not by legislation. Mr. Sedgwick, of New York, said that eleven States had combined together in rebellion against the Government of the United States. He offered an amendment, as an additional section to the emancipation bill, that every commanding military or naval officer ch slaves. He further said, he did not believe that any slaveholder in this country was a loyal man. Mr. Wichliffe.--I denounce this as false. The Speaker.--The gentleman will please take his seat. Mr. Wickliffe, --I will. Mr. Sedgwick resumed, and explained that he meant by slaveholders those who believed it was right, and ought to be protected by the Constitution. Mr. Maynard, of Tenn,, could not give his consent to any of the bills presented by the committee. He ver
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