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by the committee. He very much doubted the power to pass confiscation or emancipation bills. --But he thought something ought to be done to protect the loyal men. Mr. Blair, of Mo., did not know whether or not be should vote for this present measure, but he believed that Congress had the power to pass confiscation bills, and it was the duty of Congress to do it. Pending the Consideration of the subject the House adjourned. "Ion," of the Baltimore Sun, writes from Washington (May 28) as follows: The prospect is that the Milict confiscation and emancipation project will be pressed through the House next week. The former project will, perhaps, receive the support of the border slave State members of the House, as well as of the free State members. The latter project will unite the votes of the Northern States in the House. The scheme is admirably framed. The Senate, it is supposed, will concur with the House in their bill, though they would not bring the moderat
House of Representatives. The House of Representatives resumed the consideration of the Confiscation bills. Mr. Sheffield, of R. I. took the floor and argued at length against confiscation. He contended that the emancipation of slaves was an act of bad faith; it was a violation of the solemn pledges made in July last not to interfere with the local institutions of the States. This breach of faith cannot be justified on the ground of necessity, for the strongest necessities of the war were upon the country when we made that pledge. The rebellion was to be put down by the army, not by legislation. Mr. Sedgwick, of New York, said that eleven States had combined together in rebellion against the Government of the United States. He offered an amendment, as an additional section to the emancipation bill, that every commanding military or naval officer whose military district shall embrace any portion of the above-named States, shall, by proclamation or otherwise, invite a
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