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Browsing named entities in a specific section of The Daily Dispatch: July 3, 1862., [Electronic resource]. Search the whole document.

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June 14th (search for this): article 3
urope.Foreign intervention.speeches in Parliament.Butler's proclamation.the British press on intervention.&c., &c., &c., &c., The New York papers to the 27th (one day later) contain the details of the foreign news by the Arabia from London, June 14th. They are very important, much more so than the telegraphic summary before published would have led us to believe. The following editorial in the Herald will show with what solicitude that paper regards the present attitude of foreign powers remises. These views are confirmed by the tone of the French and English press, as well as by the full reports of the debates in the British Parliament. The London Post, the organ of Lord Palmerston and of Count Persigny, in an article dated June 14, has the following very suggestive observations: "It is a matter of astonishment that long ere this some demand has not been made upon the Government to take some steps towards effecting a cessation of hostilities which have proved so disas
June 27th (search for this): article 3
rvention.&c., &c., &c., &c., The New York papers to the 27th (one day later) contain the details of the foreign news by the Arabia from London, June 14th. They are very important, much more so than the telegraphic summary before published would have led us to believe. The following editorial in the Herald will show with what solicitude that paper regards the present attitude of foreign powers relative to intervention: British insolence and American Power. [From the New York Herald, June 27] The details of the news by the Arabia are of a much more decided character than the telegraphic summary which we published on Wednesday seemed to indicate. Our Paris correspondence, too, throws great additional light upon the movements now going on in France and England. It appears that the programme is, that France will take the lead in the "mediation" or intervention scheme for the settlement of the civil war in America, while England secretly pledges her moral, and if necessary, h
physical, support; that the basis of the intervention is to be, if not separation as a sinc qua non, at least a decision of the question by the votes of the people of the Southern States, each State to determine for itself what is to be its future connection — whether with the Northern States or the Southern Confederacy--and that, to carry out this arrangement, an armistice should take place for six months--the proposition to be made at Richmond and Washington simultaneously in the middle of July--and in the event of the North refusing to accept the intervention, the European Powers will immediately acknowledge the independence of the revolutionary States, and will also consider what further action it may be necessary and proper to take in the premises. These views are confirmed by the tone of the French and English press, as well as by the full reports of the debates in the British Parliament. The London Post, the organ of Lord Palmerston and of Count Persigny, in an article da
Warwick Beauregard (search for this): article 3
who had raised himself to the rank of General is a subject undoubtedly of not less astonishment than pain. (Cheers,) Sir, I cannot bring myself to behave but that the Government of the United States, whenever they had notice of this order, must of their own accord have stamped it with their censure and condemnation. (Hear, hear.) We received yesterday a dispatch from Lord Lyons, communicating from the newspapers the paragraph read by the honorable baronet — namely, the order of General Beauregard animadverting on, and giving the text of, the proclamation to which reference has been made. There will be no objection to produce that paper. With regard to the course which her Majesty's Government may, upon consideration, take on the subject, the House, I trust, will allow me to say that will be a matter for reflection. (Cheers.) I am quite persuaded that there is no man in England who does not share those feelings which have been so well expressed by the honorable baronet
nt from Europe.Foreign intervention.speeches in Parliament.Butler's proclamation.the British press on intervention.&c., &c.,ourse for it to adopt with regard to the proclamation of Gen. Butler at New Orleans, just as if that were any business of Lorovernment, for its own sake, will repudiate the act of General Butler. This looks somewhat in the nature of a threat, as muh as to say: "You had better of your own accord rebuke General Butler, or we will take you in hand, as we did in the case ofnd leave, "the sister" island alone in its glory. General Butler's proclamation before the British people. In the Hnformation authenticating a proclamation attributed to General Butler, the Military Governor of New Orleans, menacing the wogenerosity and forbearance. Instead of that, however, General Butler had issued a proclamation stating, that "as the officence received from our Minister at Washington relating to Gen. Butler's proclamation. Mr. Gregory was not surprised that
signified its disapproval of this proclamation public, opinion would applaud its conduct. On the other hand, if it showed any hesitation or delay in taking that course, he earnestly hoped that her Majesty's Government would gravely point out to them the necessity of vindication the national honor so foully stained.--(Hear, hear,) The honorable baronet concluded by moving for copies of any correspondence received from our Minister at Washington relating to Gen. Butler's proclamation. Mr. Gregory was not surprised that such a motion should have been placed on the paper relative to the proclamation they were now considering.--The course which had been pursued in regard to it was neither improper nor unusual. The honorable baronet had quoted certain precedents; but he need not go further than the discussions which had taken place in that and the other House of Parliament to show that when a great act of inhumanity had been committed by a foreign nation they were perfectly justified
f the nineteenth century and to the usages of civilized war. (Hear.) In the few observations he was desirous of making he should refrain from entering into the merits of the great contest now going on the other side of the Atlantic. In that House they had hitherto maintained impartial and strict neutrality, and had exhibited a prudent and wise reserve, but it was necessary that he should make the observation that, in that unhappy civil war, it appeared, as all accounts agreed in stating, too often read by our ministers to foreign States, and which were infinitely more agreeable to the compilers than to the receivers. He also deprecated the conduct of those who ransacked the newspapers for the purpose of putting questions in that House which were of no possible use, and were received by foreign countries with great dissatisfaction. He entirely agreed with what was said in the vacation speech of the right honorable member for Huntingdon, (General Peel.) that such intermeddling
thern fleet is completely used up. We have a powerful naval force left almost unemployed. With this reenforced, as it will be next fall, by a tremendous addition of iron-clad gunboats, we will be in a position to annihilate the navies of England and France, and of all the maritime Powers of Europe. Canada and the British West India Islands would fall, like ripe pears, into the lap of the American Republic, and Great Britain would cease to own a foot of soil in the New World, while perhaps Ireland, taking advantage of her tyrant's difficulty would at last work out a successful revolution, and leave, "the sister" island alone in its glory. General Butler's proclamation before the British people. In the House of Commons on the same night Sir J. Waish rose to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Her Majesty's Government had received official information authenticating a proclamation attributed to General Butler, the Military Governor of New Orleans, mena
ing parties." And so Earl Russell in the other house: "Certainly there is no intention on the part of her Majesty's Government to mediate at the present moment." This implies that the time may soon come when England will "interpose."--Meanwhile, Napoleon is to go ahead, as the Manchester Guardian suggests. The Emperor would prefer to have England openly with him from the start, but she prefers that France shall bear the first shock resulting from the insolent proposition. Meantime, the English population are to be worked up to the fighting point by such unprecedented harangues against a friendly nation as those indulged in by the ministers of the Crown against the same people. The London Times suggests the mediation at first of Napoleon and the Czar, while England holds back, and then goes on to say: --"If, as seems more than possible, the resolution of the Southerners avails to protract this war from month to month, then the time must come when the intervention of Europe will
important, much more so than the telegraphic summary before published would have led us to believe. The following editorial in the Herald will show with what solicitude that paper regards the present attitude of foreign powers relative to intervention: British insolence and American Power. [From the New York Herald, June 27] The details of the news by the Arabia are of a much more decided character than the telegraphic summary which we published on Wednesday seemed to indicate. Our Paris correspondence, too, throws great additional light upon the movements now going on in France and England. It appears that the programme is, that France will take the lead in the "mediation" or intervention scheme for the settlement of the civil war in America, while England secretly pledges her moral, and if necessary, her physical, support; that the basis of the intervention is to be, if not separation as a sinc qua non, at least a decision of the question by the votes of the people of the
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