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Bigslow (search for this): article 11
he question, if the Confederate Government with give some guarantee for the abolition of slavery within a green time." There is much virtue in the letter "if." The representatives of the North in Paris most distinctly and decidedly declare that the Government and people of the North now, as ever, bent on conquering the South and maintaining the Union, and that no attempt at mediation could possibly succeed at Washington. This is the language of Mr. Dayton, the American Minister, of Mr. Bigslow, the American Consul, and the majority of the Americans likely to hold correct views on the subject. Another letter says: That the Emperor desires to see peace restored in America for political as well as humanitarian reasons, is beyond a doubt; that his Majesty would recognize the South if England would do so there can be no question. The isolated efforts of French diplomacy have failed. The question asked here is, "Has not the situation changed? Would not the united actio
Roebucks (search for this): article 11
Foreign news. the intervention question--Mr. Roebucks mission to Napoleon — the French Emperor's opinion of recognition. The European papers by the Persia, of the 5th inst, are laden with parliamentary motions and discussions, correspondents' speculations and newspaper articles on intervention. The most interesting event of the week, with reference to this subject, occurred on the evening of the 30th ult., when Mr. Roebuck rose to his motion for the recognition of the Confederate States of America. He spoke advocating the motion, and in his speech gave the following minute account of an interview with the French Emperor on the subject: I was met in the lobby outside some days since by an honorable and learned friend of mine, who said to me, "You propose that the House should address the Queen, to ask her to enter into a negotiation with the great powers of Europe. Now, I have heard to-day, on very good authority, that the mind of the French ruler has changed, an
Lindray (search for this): article 11
"Has not the situation changed? Would not the united action of England and France for peace be now listened to at Washington?" The Times'sParis correspondent repeats the statement that the rebels, with the sanction of the Emperor of France, have applied to Spain for recognition, offering to guarantee to her in case of recognition, the possession of Cuba. It is thought in Madrid that, in any case, the Emperor of France will not much longer postpone recognizing the Confederacy. Mr. Lindray, in a letter to the Times, confirms the statements of Mr. Roebuck, respecting their interview with the Emperor of France. On the other hand, Mr. Layard, in the name of the Government, gave again an emphatically denial to the truth of Mr. Roebuck's statements. The Times prefers the concurrent and positive statements of members of the Cabinet to those of Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Lindsay, and thinks that the letter must have misunderstood the Emperor. The Times has an inflammatory letter,
Roebuck (search for this): article 11
arl Russell contradicting the statements of Mr. Roebuck. With respect to the views of the Emperor se allowed the Emperor of the French to use Mr. Roebuck a his second ambassador to sound his opininot now notice the extraordinary conduct of Mr. Roebuck in himself an envoy to the Emperor of the ity to recondite them with the statement of Mr. Roebuck. As to his personal knowledge of the viewsrnment. Such a charge was preposterous, and Mr. Roebuck must have misunderstood the Emperor, who ha in Parliament: The London Times says Mr. Roebuck has failed to show that any good would ensuabinet. The London News and Star abuse Mr. Roebuck. The Star says last night's debate will aser to the Times, confirms the statements of Mr. Roebuck, respecting their interview with the Emperogain an emphatically denial to the truth of Mr. Roebuck's statements. The Times prefers the concurments of members of the Cabinet to those of Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Lindsay, and thinks that the letter[2 more...]
Coutts Lindsay (search for this): article 11
at the rebels, with the sanction of the Emperor of France, have applied to Spain for recognition, offering to guarantee to her in case of recognition, the possession of Cuba. It is thought in Madrid that, in any case, the Emperor of France will not much longer postpone recognizing the Confederacy. Mr. Lindray, in a letter to the Times, confirms the statements of Mr. Roebuck, respecting their interview with the Emperor of France. On the other hand, Mr. Layard, in the name of the Government, gave again an emphatically denial to the truth of Mr. Roebuck's statements. The Times prefers the concurrent and positive statements of members of the Cabinet to those of Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Lindsay, and thinks that the letter must have misunderstood the Emperor. The Times has an inflammatory letter, recounting the particulars of the firing upon the blockade runner Margaret and Jessie by the Union Rhode Island, and branding one of the most unjustifiable outrages to neutral rights.
R. Montague (search for this): article 11
herwise have been with held from him respecting the Emperor's proposal to Her Majesty's Government. Now, I know that no secret was made at the time that such a proposal had been made by the Emperor of the French to Her Majesty's Government. It was announced by the newspapers that dispatch had been taken into consideration by Her Majesty's Government, and answered in terms of courtesy of which I am sure the Emperor of the French had no reason to complain, and never has complained. Lord R. Montague moved as an amendment that this House earnestly desire that the impartial neutrality should continue to be maintained by her Majesty's Government during the present unhappy conless in the States of North America. He yielded to no man in sympathy and admiration for the South, but they were now on the point of working out their independence, and they ought not to be interfered with. He also objected to any intervention. The offer of it was not likely to be acceptable to either side, and
English (search for this): article 11
when his recent character and recent speeches were considered, was the same as if he had asked the House to address the Crown and declare war against the United States. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was not very warm on the subject, was obliged to charge him with bitter hostility. The honorable gentleman told them that the North was overbearing; but he did not tell them its Government had hitherto been administered by his friends of the South. He told them that the South were English, but not the scum of Europe. He had detailed a conversation with the Emperor of the French, and asked them to follow his lead in the greatest question ever submitted to that House. There was a time when the Hon. member held very different language. He said he had no faith in the Emperor of the French, and he looked for nothing but enmity and had faith from him. [Cheers] He had, however, adopted the character of Tear and was at his post. He then exclaimed against his perjured lips baying
R. Cecil (search for this): article 11
no doubt, if the House allowed the Emperor of the French to use Mr. Roebuck a his second ambassador to sound his opinions against the Government of the day, we should soon drift into a war with America. He combatted the opinions of Mr. Roebuck, and showed that the proposals for mediation last autumn, had led to the Conscription act, and maintained that the motion, if carried, would render peace between the North and the South impossible, and would inevitably involve us in the war. Lord R. Cecil supported the motion, which, if carried, would, in his opinion, have a great moral effect upon the duration of the war. It was in vain to suppose the North could conquer the South, and therefore the continuance of hostilities was a gigantic crime. The English Government was now the sole obstacle to the recognition of the South, and as such it was responsible to England and to every one. Mr. Bright said that the honorable member for Sheffield had left them in no manner of doubt as t
Paris (search for this): article 11
ews on the subject. Another letter says: That the Emperor desires to see peace restored in America for political as well as humanitarian reasons, is beyond a doubt; that his Majesty would recognize the South if England would do so there can be no question. The isolated efforts of French diplomacy have failed. The question asked here is, "Has not the situation changed? Would not the united action of England and France for peace be now listened to at Washington?" The Times'sParis correspondent repeats the statement that the rebels, with the sanction of the Emperor of France, have applied to Spain for recognition, offering to guarantee to her in case of recognition, the possession of Cuba. It is thought in Madrid that, in any case, the Emperor of France will not much longer postpone recognizing the Confederacy. Mr. Lindray, in a letter to the Times, confirms the statements of Mr. Roebuck, respecting their interview with the Emperor of France. On the other hand,
30th (search for this): article 11
Foreign news. the intervention question--Mr. Roebucks mission to Napoleon — the French Emperor's opinion of recognition. The European papers by the Persia, of the 5th inst, are laden with parliamentary motions and discussions, correspondents' speculations and newspaper articles on intervention. The most interesting event of the week, with reference to this subject, occurred on the evening of the 30th ult., when Mr. Roebuck rose to his motion for the recognition of the Confederate States of America. He spoke advocating the motion, and in his speech gave the following minute account of an interview with the French Emperor on the subject: I was met in the lobby outside some days since by an honorable and learned friend of mine, who said to me, "You propose that the House should address the Queen, to ask her to enter into a negotiation with the great powers of Europe. Now, I have heard to-day, on very good authority, that the mind of the French ruler has changed, a
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