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se the influence of the Garrisonians: he had seen its working Lib. 20.41. since 1835 [and longer, but he naturally remembered by Cf. ante, 2.59. landmarks of mob vient States, and withal would have the South start factories of her own. As in 1835, the attempt was made to cow the North Ante, 2.4. through the medium of its tras the anti-slavery agitation by force was again to be illustrated, in 1850 as in 1835, in the person of Mr. Garrison. He began the year in poor health, though still saving meetings, George Thompson revisited the country which had expelled him in 1835. Oct. 29, 1850; Lib. 20.174. He landed in Boston, the port of his covert and had be his reception now as an abolitionist, as a foreigner? Peleg Sprague had in 1835 malevolently bade him go Ante, p. 2.498. back and brave the wrath of English re that violence and Ante, p. 256. lawlessness would stalk the land in 1850 as in 1835, had been fulfilled; and the end was not yet. A pleasurable reminder of the e
March, 1837 AD (search for this): chapter 10
t their hopes of him on random utterances disconnected by any logic of principle or behavior, and infused by no warmth of heart or ray of pity for the slave. True, he had said at Marshfield, Lib. 20.47; Webster's Works, 2.437. in September, 1842: We talk of the North. There has for a long time been no North. I think the North Star is at last discovered; I think there will be a North exhibiting a strong, conscientious, and united opposition to slavery. True, he had said in New York in March, 1837, during the Texas excitement: The subject [of slavery] has not only attracted attention as Webster's Works, 1.357; Lib. 20.193. a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper-toned chord. It has arrested the religious feeling of the country; it has taken strong hold on the consciences of men. He is a rash man, indeed, and little conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a
answered by computing from the latest census of Kentucky that, out of some 5,000,000 whites in the South, only 100,000, including women and minors, held slaves. Judge Jay, reckoning Wm. Jay. from the same basis, but applying it to the census of 1840, arrived at the sum of 117,000, which, if we were Lib. 20.34. to enlarge it by 70,000, would still exceed by less than one-half the population of Boston in this year of Lib. 20.183. compromise, reaction, and violence. We have sought in vain t cultivated audience, more ability guided by the best taste on a platform, more deep, practical interest, on any occasion. It took me completely by surprise; and the women were the ablest speakers, too. You would have laughed, as we used to do in 1840, to hear dear Lucretia Mott answer me. I had presumed to differ from her, and assert that the cause would meet more immediate and palpable and insulting opposition from women than men—and scolded them for it. She put, as she so well knows how, the
September, 1842 AD (search for this): chapter 10
s is well known, a slaveholding Southern Episcopal Bishop became a Confederate Major-General. Daniel Webster's incredible 7th of March speech, in Lib. 20.42, 43, 45. wholesale support of the Compromise, carried dismay to the Conscience Whigs, who had built their hopes of him on random utterances disconnected by any logic of principle or behavior, and infused by no warmth of heart or ray of pity for the slave. True, he had said at Marshfield, Lib. 20.47; Webster's Works, 2.437. in September, 1842: We talk of the North. There has for a long time been no North. I think the North Star is at last discovered; I think there will be a North exhibiting a strong, conscientious, and united opposition to slavery. True, he had said in New York in March, 1837, during the Texas excitement: The subject [of slavery] has not only attracted attention as Webster's Works, 1.357; Lib. 20.193. a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper-toned chord. It has arrested the religiou
to Palfrey and Jay was 22, and seemed too low to apply to the South at large, as the size of gangs increased going Gulfward (Lib. 20: 38). In a speech delivered in 1844, Cassius Clay said, 31,495 only [of the then population of Kentucky] the Auditor's books show to be slaveholders (Ms. June 11, 1888, C. M. Clay to Gen. Fayette Heand the headquarters of the Empire Club, an organization of roughs and desperadoes who acknowledged his captaincy. His campaigning in behalf of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house g in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assault on a gentleman Lib. 20.43. in a hotel, but the victim and the witnes
May, 1847 AD (search for this): chapter 10
ling when it was regularly coerced into silence in both Houses! What word or act of his in support of John Quincy Adams since 1830 could be cited— what to vindicate the right of petition? How did he resent the expulsion of Massachusetts from the Federal Ante, p. 130. courts in South Carolina in the person of Samuel Hoar? See, for a partial answer, his fulsome flattery of Charleston for its hospitality, and—risum teneatis?—as the home of the oppressed, during his visit to that city in May, 1847 (Webster's Works, 2: 371-388). As the real stake of the Compromise game was the Fugitive Slave Law, One of those affiliated measures denied the admission of New Mexico because she had determined to come as a free State, and remanded her to come back in the habiliments of slavery. Another distinctly intimated to the Mormons that they should, if they could, plant a slave State in the very recesses of the continent. A third abolished a public slave mart in the city of Washington, witho<
onditions—dismayed the Southern extremists, and caused the anti-slavery North to regard his death as a calamity. It is incredible, however, that Taylor would not have signed the Fugitive Slave Bill. All we can say is, that he was fated not to have the opportunity, and that Douglas's prophecy again came true in the case of his successor, when the North (nominally) got the man, and the South Ante, p. 238. got the measure. Quite otherwise was it with Robert C. Winthrop's prevision when, in 1848, on giving his adhesion to Taylor's nomination, he said: And if any accident should befall him (which Heaven avert!), your own Millard Fillmore will carry out such an administration to its legitimate completion. Lib. 18.105. This New York doughface, having called Webster to the Secretaryship of State, gave, with alacrity Lib. 20.119. and without scruple, his assent to the Fugitive Sept. 18, 1850. Slave Bill, which else might have failed to become a law. It had less than a two-thirds majo
May 10th, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 10
he Empire Club, an organization of roughs and desperadoes who acknowledged his captaincy. His campaigning in behalf of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf of the actor Edwin Forrest; Lib. 19.79. Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.20. Proviso meeting in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assault on a gentlema
July 6th, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 10
historical dust-cloud about the origin Lib. 20.42. of slavery in America, and of its guarantees in the Constitution; his pretext, in regard to California and New Mexico, that their physical conditions debarred African slavery, and he would not take pains to reaffirm an ordinance of Nature, nor to reenact the will of God Lib. 20.43 cf. 21.93.; his offer to support a Government scheme of colonizing Lib. 20.46. the free colored population of the South In the Boston Congregationalist of July 6, 1849 (Lib. 19.166), Lewis Tappan told of having acted as secretary of a colonization meeting held at the Marlboroa Hotel, Boston, in 1822, Webster presiding, and Judge Story introducing resolutions. This was followed by one to organize the Massachusetts Colonization Society, when a great division of sentiment was manifested over the constitution reported, and Webster at length declared: It is a scheme of the slaveholders to get rid of the free negroes. I will have nothing to do with it—and l
Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. The New York Herald incites popular violence against the e Southerner, De Bow, who superintended that of 1850, estimated the total number at 347,525, or, exclay ). De Bow's estimate for the same State, in 1850, hirers included, was 38,385. Clay, again, in tation by force was again to be illustrated, in 1850 as in 1835, in the person of Mr. Garrison. He sachusetts Anti-Slavery Society in Jan. 23-25, 1850. Faneuil Hall. He there offered a resolution cs, anti-slavery free discussion in New York for 1850. Lib. 20:[78]. And not alone for 1850, as the 1850, as the sequel will show; nor anti-slavery free discussion alone. Everywhere it was felt throughout the Nor scruple, his assent to the Fugitive Sept. 18, 1850. Slave Bill, which else might have failed to bepringfield, Mass., in the fall of Lib. 20.178. 1850, would reject resolutions denouncing the law. I your attention to the late Union Ms. Nov. 28, 1850. meeting in Manchester in this State, as report[4 more...]
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