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Gayarre Hist (search for this): chapter 14
bed, where, overplied by public exertions, he was wasting away with a hectic, those Virginians are men; they are noble spirits. I long to be out—to speak in court against tyranny, words that shall be read after my death. Why, said one of his friends, are not our rights and liberties as boldly asserted by every government in America as by Virginia? * * * Behold, cried another, a whole continent awakened, alarmed, restless, and disaffected. Letter of J. Adams. Boston Gazette. Hutchinson. Hist. III. Every where, from North to South—through the press, in letters, or as they met in private, for counsel, or in groups in the street, the chap. XIV.} 1765. June. Sons of Liberty told their griefs to one another, and planned retaliation or redress. No good reason can be given, observed the more calm among them, why the colonies should not modestly and soberly inquire, what right the parliament of Great Britain has to tax them. We were not sent out to be slaves, they continued, citin
Thomas Hollis (search for this): chapter 14
The people, retorted William Livingston, are the Lord's anointed. Though named mob and rabble, the people are the darling of Providence. Was the Bible quoted as demanding deference to all in authority? This, it was insisted, is to add dulness to impiety. For chap. XIV.} 1765. June. tyranny, they cried, is no government; the gospel promises liberty, glorious liberty. The gospel, so preached Mayhew, of Boston, always, the gospel permits resistance. Sentinel, in N. Y. Gaz. Mayhew to Hollis. And then patriots would become maddened with remembering, that some high or low American had had a hand in procuring every grievance. England, it was said, is deceived and deluded by placemen and office-seekers. Yes, exclaimed the multitude; it all comes of the horse-leeches. When the friends to government sought to hush opposition by terror of the power of parliament and its jealousy of its own supremacy, you are cowards, was the answer; you are fools; you are parasites; or, rather,
Stephen Hopkins (search for this): chapter 14
as the common voice, and as such we are to be ruled by laws of our own making, and tried by men of our own condition. Hopkins, Bland, and others. Providence Gazette. If we are Englishmen, said one, on what footing is our property? The greatarliament. If the people in America are to be taxed by the representatives of the people in England, their malady, said Hopkins, of Rhode Island, is an increasing evil, that must always grow greater by time. When the parliament once begins, such westates; a land tax for all America will be thought chap. XIV.} 1765. June of next. Boston Gazette. N. Y. Gazette. Hopkins's Grievances. Hutchinson's Correspondence. R. R. Livingston's Correspondence. It is plain, said even the calmest, st character for wisdom, justice, and integrity, and incapable of dealing unjustly. Admitting this to be true, retorted Hopkins, one who is bound to obey the will of another is as really a slave, though he may have a good master, as if he had a bad
Hutchinson (search for this): chapter 14
ffected. Letter of J. Adams. Boston Gazette. Hutchinson. Hist. III. Every where, from North to South—thron Gazette. N. Y. Gazette. Hopkins's Grievances. Hutchinson's Correspondence. R. R. Livingston's Corresponderogative court to be forfeited without a jury? Hutchinson's Correspondence. Boston Gazette. There is nand render us a great, rich, and happy people. Hutchinson's History. Pa. Gaz. N. Y. Gaz. Boston Gaz. Sharp Boston Gaz. Otis's Considerations. N. Y. Gaz. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Power is a sad thing, said act of parliament against common law is void. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Thus opinion was echoed fro, who had knowingly sold his lands twice over. Hutchinson to Gov. Pownall, 10 July, 1765. In this way, the rd of Trade branded it as mutinous. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Massachusetts had proceeded cautiouslyers who were friends to government. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Virginia was ready to convince the
answer won immediate applause in England, Monthly Review. why ring everlasting changes to the colonists on them? If they are not represented, they ought to be. Every man of a sound mind, he continued, should have his vote. Ah, but, replied the royalists, holding Otis to his repeated concessions, you own that par- chap. XIV.} 1765. June. liament is the supreme legislature; will you question its jurisdiction? And his answer was on the lips of all patriots, learned and unlearned: Lord Coke June declares, that it is against Magna Charta and against the franchises of the land, for freemen to be taxed but by their own consent; Lord Coke rules, that an act of parliament against common law is void. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Thus opinion was echoed from mind to mind, as the sun's rays beam from many clouds, all differing in tints, but every hue an emanation from the same fires. In the midst of the gloom, light broke from the excitement of a whole people. Associations we
Richard Henry Lee (search for this): chapter 14
on, as fast as settled. Yet how comprehensive and how daring the idea! The traditions of the Board of Trade branded it as mutinous. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Massachusetts had proceeded cautiously and almost timidly, naming for its delegates to the proposed Congress, with the patriot Otis, two others who were friends to government. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Virginia was ready to convince the world that her people were firm and unanimous in the cause of liberty, R. H. Lee to L. Carter. but its newly-elected assembly was not suffered by Fauquier to come together. New Jersey received the circular letter of Massachusetts on the twentieth of June, the last day of the session of its legislature. The Speaker, a friend to the British government, at first inclined to urge sending delegates to the proposed Congress; but, on some advice from the governor, changed his mind, chap. XIV.} 1765. June. and the house, in the hurry preceding the adjournment, rather fr
Robert R. Livingston (search for this): chapter 14
e representatives of the people in England, their malady, said Hopkins, of Rhode Island, is an increasing evil, that must always grow greater by time. When the parliament once begins, such was the discourse at Boston, there is no drawing a line. And it is only the first step, repeated the New-York owners of large estates; a land tax for all America will be thought chap. XIV.} 1765. June of next. Boston Gazette. N. Y. Gazette. Hopkins's Grievances. Hutchinson's Correspondence. R. R. Livingston's Correspondence. It is plain, said even the calmest, Englishmen do not regard Americans as members of the same family, brothers, and equals, but as subordinates, bound to submit to oppression at their pleasure. A bill was even prepared, thus men warned each other against new dangers, that authorized quartering British soldiers upon American private families. And is not our property seized, they further exclaimed, by men who cry, give, give, and never say, enough, and thrown into
William Livingston (search for this): chapter 14
set the example of wearing homespun. It will be accounted a virtue in them to wear a garment of their own spinning. A little attention to manufactures will make us ample amends for the distresses of the present day, and render us a great, rich, and happy people. Hutchinson's History. Pa. Gaz. N. Y. Gaz. Boston Gaz. Sharpe to Calvert, 10 July. Letter from Charleston, S. C. When the churchmen of New-York preached loyalty to the king as the Lord's anointed, The people, retorted William Livingston, are the Lord's anointed. Though named mob and rabble, the people are the darling of Providence. Was the Bible quoted as demanding deference to all in authority? This, it was insisted, is to add dulness to impiety. For chap. XIV.} 1765. June. tyranny, they cried, is no government; the gospel promises liberty, glorious liberty. The gospel, so preached Mayhew, of Boston, always, the gospel permits resistance. Sentinel, in N. Y. Gaz. Mayhew to Hollis. And then patriots wou
ant, an infamous, atrocious, and nefarious crime. A colonist, murmured a Boston man who had dipped into Grenville's pamphlet, a colonist cannot make a horse-shoe or a hob-nail, but some ironmonger of Britain shall chap. XIV.} 1765. June. bawl that he is robbed by the American republican. Yes, they are even stupid enough, it was said in the town of Providence, to judge it criminal for us to become our own manufacturers. Colden's Corr. Boston Gazette. N. Y. Gazette. Providence Gaz. Lloyd's Conduct, &c. Newport Mercury. We will eat no lamb, promised the multitude, seeking to retaliate; we will wear no mourning at funerals. We will none of us import British goods, said the traders in the towns. The inhabitants of North Carolina set up looms for weaving their own clothes, and South Carolina was ready to follow the example. The people, wrote the LieutenantGover-nor Sharpe, of Maryland, will go on upon manufactures. We will have homespun markets of linens and woollens, pa
nt Greece, and the words of Thucydides; we are the equals of those who remained behind. Americans hold equal rights with those in Britain, not as conceded privileges, but as inherent and indefeasible rights. We have the rights of Englishmen, was the common voice, and as such we are to be ruled by laws of our own making, and tried by men of our own condition. Hopkins, Bland, and others. Providence Gazette. If we are Englishmen, said one, on what footing is our property? The great Mr. Locke, said another, lays it down that no man has a right to that which another may take from him. And a third, proud of his respect for the law, sheltered himself under the words of the far-famed Coke: The Lord may tax his villain, high or low, but it is against the franchises of the land for freemen to be taxed but by their own consent in parliament. If the people in America are to be taxed by the representatives of the people in England, their malady, said Hopkins, of Rhode Island, is an in
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