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David A. Wells (search for this): chapter 10
rates imposed during the war, if less will raise the necessary revenue. A bill prepared by David A. Wells, Special Commissioner of the Revenue, in 1867, reducing duties on raw material, had passed tto $7 a ton, it increased the duty on steel rails, nickel, flax, and marble. The removal of Mr. Wells from his office was accepted as an affront both to tariff reform and to civil service reform. tical politician was shown by the publication, on April 25, of a letter addressed by him to David A. Wells, in which he said: I do not want the nomination, and could only be induced to considerelegates was very strong, and they were quoted as saying, after the publication of his letter to Wells, that Grant would carry their State against Adams by 50,000 majority. As events proved, this feeld, at the invitation of Carl Schurz, J. D. Cox, William Cullen Bryant, Oswald Ottendorfer, David A. Wells, and J. Brinkerhoff, at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, in New York, on June 20, and William S. Groe
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 4
Van Buren, William L. Marcy, and Silas Wright. Weed had founded the Albany Evening Journal in Marchf the 128 members of the Assembly voted for. Weed and his associates in the Whig party leadershipipment. In looking about for an editor, says Weed in his autobiography, it occurred to me that thouth was Horace Greeley. Greeley accompanied Weed and a member of the Whig State Committee, who wed and Greeley lasted until 1854, or, so far as Weed was concerned, until the nomination of Lincoln as co-workers can not easily be overestimated. Weed was the cool, calculating, far-seeing politiciaion to be President would have been gratified. Weed personally favored a United States Bank, but h would be a weak candidate, he would not follow Weed in his views of expediency. Thus we find him s what he considered vagaries in the Tribune. Weed says that he found Greeley in the early years onumber, the words and music of a campaign song (Weed thought the music unnecessary), and used illust[13 more...]
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 5
t in a wider circle. His editorial writing in the New Yorker had attracted the attention of so competent a critic as Thurlow Weed. His residence at Albany had widened his acquaintance with the lawmakers gathered from all parts of the State, and wi restricted resources. Greeley had a very clear idea of the kind of daily paper that he wanted to edit. In a letter to Weed in January, 1841, he said: As for the country press, two-thirds of it is a nuisance and a positive curse — a mere mouthpiehe rate of five hundred a week until a total of five thousand was reached on May 22, and the growth continued. Writing to Weed in June of that year, Greeley said: I am getting on as well as I know how with the Tribune, but not as well as I expected its first year the Tribune published a letter on the trial of the suit for libel brought by J. Fenimore Cooper against Thurlow Weed, in which the novelist secured a verdict of $400. The writer of this letter remarked: The value of Mr. Cooper's charac
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 6
bject. In minor points they met with some success, but when his mind was once made up, expediency was a futile argument with which to approach him. In a letter to Weed, dated February, 1842, after describing a sleepless night he had passed because of some of Weed's criticisms, he made this declaration of personal independence: Weed's criticisms, he made this declaration of personal independence: You have pleased, on several occasions, to take me to task for differing from you, however reluctantly and temperately, as though such conditions were an evidence, not merely of weakness on my part, but of some black ingratitude or heartless treachery .... I have given, I have ever been ready to give you, any service within my wrong a cause supported, or countenanced, by men like George Ripley, Charles A. Dana, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and Parke Godwin. In February, 1841, Greeley wrote to Weed that he took a wrong view of the political bearing of the Fourier matter, explaining: Hitherto all the devotees of social reform of any kind have been regularly re
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 7
s decidedly protective, but which Calhoun declared was passed more to make a political issue than to please the manufacturers. This opinion was certainly in line with Greeley's recommendation. From that time to the date of his nomination for President, Greeley, with the Tribune at his back, was the foremost advocate of a protective tariff in this country, addressing a larger constituency than any of the tariff advocates in Congress. He was early recognized as an authority on the subject, Weed placing only Hezekiah Niles above him. He was the author of an article in the Merchants' Magazine of May, 1841, which replied to a free-trader's argument, and he and McElrath began, in 1842, the publication of a magazine called The American Laborer, whose purpose was the inculcation of the protective doctrine. In November, 1843, he and Joseph Blunt defended the affirmative side in a debate in the Tabernacle in New York city on the question, Resolved, That a protective tariff is conducive to
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 9
ew York the story of his break with Seward and Weed lack of confidence in the Republican party mov his intention in his conversation with him. Weed's Autobiography, II, p. 227. Late in that che dissolution of the political firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley, by the withdrawal of the junior pne, went over Greeley's first acquaintance with Weed, set forth his editorial labors up to the time ewing the recent campaign, he contradicted what Weed in his later autobiography said about seeking tinform Weed of the contents of this letter, and Weed was ignorant of them until its publication, aftundred electoral votes. But let her drive. Weed's Autobiography, II, p. 255. Greeley attendnd Greeley was gaining in the caucus balloting, Weed had the name of Ira Harris presented, and so sns on the ticket had declined their nominations, Weed refused to support him, and wrote a letter in ween put up in Mr. Lincoln's place. Verily, Thurlow Weed was correct when he thought that Greeley kn[17 more...]
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 10
ged silence, and an indignant and unanimous nay. When the country heard of this result, it taxed public credulity. Greeley's nomination by these tariff reformers and civil service reformers seemed like an impossibility. At the Union League Club in New York city members individually predicted that the candidate would decline the honor, but Greeley had no such intention. How could it seem to him otherwise than that the gratification of an ambition unsatisfied for years had come at last? Weed might consider him no politician; Seward might overlook him in the apportionment of nominations and appointments; Lincoln might reject his advice. But now a great movement of the people in favor of that honest government and universal amnesty for which he had so long been pleading, and on account of which he had made so serious sacrifices, had called on him to be its leader. Never satisfied with the position and influence he had gained by means of his editorial pen, he now saw within his re
Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 11
ark, Myron H., candidate for Governor, 173. Clay, Henry, Weed's opposition to, in 1839, 45; Greeley's love of, 46, 119; tances, 35-38; financial straits, 38, 39; first meeting with Weed, 42; the two men contrasted, 44-46; edits the Jeffersonian,dependent thinking, 76-78, 83,146; refusal to be guided by Weed, 78; early sympathy with socialism, 79; support of Brisbanelaint to Seward, 173; letter dissolving the firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley, 174-177; favors Douglas for Senator, 178; delGreeley's complaint to, 173; dissolution of firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley, 174-176; letter to Weed, 177; Greeley's objecWeed, 177; Greeley's objection to his nomination, 179; Secretary of State, 184; reply to Mercier, 193-195; on Greeley's negotiations. 196. Shepard, stion, 138, 139, 141 ; 7th of March speech, 153-158. Weed, Thurlow, founding of the Albany Journal, 40; first meeting with Greeley, 42; the Jeffersonian, 43; Weed and Greeley contrasted, 44, 46; Clay's defeat in 1837, 45; discovery of Greeley, 46
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 2
whether the book was held sideways or even upside down. Before he was quite three years old he was sent to the district school from the house of his grandfather, which was nearer it than his home, and this school he attended most of the winter, and some of the summer, months during the next three years. He also attended the district school while they lived in Vermont, as circumstances permitted. The text-books in those days were as primitive as the teaching and the discipline, embracing Webster's Spelling-Book (just introduced), The American Preceptor as a reader, and Bingam's Ladies' Accidence as a grammar. Reviewing his school days, in his Recollections of a Busy Life, Greeley said: I deeply regret that such homely sciences as chemistry, geology, and botany were never taught. Yet I am thankful that algebra had not yet been thrust into our rural common schools, to knot the brains and squander the time of those who should have been learning something of positive and practical ut
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 4
carried forty-two of the fifty-six counties of New York State, Massachusetts wasted her vote on Webster, and Van Buren carried New England and had a popular majority over his three opponents. But thion because this was likely to make him the candidate for Vice-President, as it did. Weed urged Webster to take the nomination for Vice-President on the Harrison, and again on the Taylor ticket, but in vain; if Webster had followed this advice, his ambition to be President would have been gratified. Weed personally favored a United States Bank, but he would not print in the Evening Journal, in 1836, Webster's speech at a Whig mass meeting, in Boston, in support of the bank scheme, and against Jackson's veto, saying that two sentences in the veto message would carry ten votes against the bank to one gained for it by Webster's eloquence-viz., that our Government was endangered by the circumstance that a large amount of the stock of the United States Bank was owned in Europe, and that t
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